Political and Social Implications

2020 ◽  
pp. 247-255
Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Multiple Dimensions

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.

An Expanded Vision

2020 ◽  
pp. 36-45
Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Female Journalists ◽  
Politically Active

Chapter 4 notes that the concept of violence against women in politics—as it has emerged—has largely been restricted to actions perpetrated against women in elections and/or within formal political institutions. During this same period, however, parallel campaigns have emerged to draw attention to violence committed against women human rights defenders and against female journalists. Observing that these efforts take up highly similar issues concerning violence as a barrier to women’s participation in the political field, the chapter advocates joining these various streams to forge a more comprehensive concept of violence against women in politics, underscoring continuities across challenges faced by politically active women of all types.

Remarks by Bert Lockwood

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 82-86
Author(s):  
Bert Lockwood ◽  
Beatrice Brickell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Justice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Southern Rhodesia

I would like to address myself to international outlaws and what domestic procedures are available to arrest their activities. While at first glance the nexus between domestic justice and international justice may seem tenuous, I wonder: Is it surprising that the same administration that is so insensate over the deprivation of the human rights of blacks in Southern Rhodesia is the same administration that proclaimed early in its tenure that if you have seen one slum you have pretty much seen them all, and hasn’t visited another since? Is it surprising that the same administration that evidences so little concern over the political rights of the majority in Rhodesia is the same administration that “bugs” and sabotages the political process within the United States?

scholarly journals Turning the Tide on Violence against Women in Politics: How Are We Measuring Up?

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-701 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Ballington
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Psychological Harm ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
The Right ◽  
Human Rights Violation

Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is a human rights violation, as it prevents the realization of political rights. Violence against women in political and public life can be understood as “any act or threat of gender-based violence, resulting in physical, sexual, psychological harm or suffering to women, that prevents them from exercising and realizing their political rights, whether in public or private spaces, including the right to vote and hold public office, to vote in secret and to freely campaign, to associate and assemble, and to enjoy freedom of opinion and expression” (UN Women/UNDP 2017, 20).

Impact of Political Instability on the Reality of Iraqi Political Parties: A Study According to the Results of the 2018 Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Forces

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.

Citizenship

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Cultural Pluralism ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Democratic Ideal

Within political philosophy, citizenship refers not only to a legal status, but also to a normative ideal – the governed should be full and equal participants in the political process. As such, it is a distinctively democratic ideal. People who are governed by monarchs or military dictators are subjects, not citizens. Most philosophers therefore view citizenship theory as an extension of democratic theory. Democratic theory focuses on political institutions and procedures; citizenship theory focuses on the attributes of individual participants. One important topic in citizenship theory concerns the need for citizens to actively participate in political life. In most countries participation in politics is not obligatory, and people are free to place private commitments ahead of political involvement. Yet if too many citizens are apathetic, democratic institutions will collapse. Another topic concerns the identity of citizens. Citizenship is intended to provide a common status and identity which helps integrate members of society. However, some theorists question whether common citizenship can accommodate the increasing social and cultural pluralism of modern societies.

THE PROBLEM OF REPRESENTATION OF TURKISH WOMEN IN POLITICS (1980S TO THE PRESENT)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 372-387
Author(s):  
Zeynep Tuğçe ÖZTÜRK ◽  
Nurgün KOÇ
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Turkish Women ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time

In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.

scholarly journals Central Asian States in the International Rankings of Democracy Development

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-393
Author(s):  
Elena G. Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Soviet Legacy ◽  
The Masses

Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.

A Gender Perspective on Electoral Processes in Malawi: The Right of Malawian Women to Participate in the Political Process under the Maputo Protocol

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Annika Rudman ◽  
Theodora Mkali
Keyword(s):  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Gender Perspective ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Legal Obligations ◽  
African Charter ◽  
The Right

Against the background of recent political developments in Malawi, this article provides a gender perspective on Malawian women’s participation in political life. It focuses on the position of women as candidates for political office and explores what determines women’s positioning, the hurdles that exist in their path when entering the political domain and, correspondingly, the obligations that the state has to level the playing field to overcome such hurdles. As a point of departure, it is proposed that Malawi, which since the coming into force of the 1994 Constitution is democratically organised, cannot be deemed fully democratic and legitimate if women and men do not have an equal opportunity to serve their communities through parliamentary representation. Malawi has ratified the African Charter, the Maputo Protocol and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Therefore, it is bound by a multitude of international provisions which promote and protect democracy and women’s rights to political participation. The objective of this article is to analyse how effective the Malawian government has been in implementing women’s political rights as guaranteed under regional human rights law. Using the method of positionality to unveil discrimination and disadvantage, the authors’ arguments presented in this article depart from the idea that internal change can be grounded on legal interventions which implement the legal obligations set out in the African Charter, the  Maputo Protocol and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

ANALYSIS OF THE MODERN POLITICAL PARTIES’ FUNCTIONALITY IN RUSSIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-56
Author(s):  
N. Zimina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Program Leaders ◽  
Minimum Number ◽  
Goals And Objectives

Modern political parties and their regional branches become an integral part of the political system of society, an important participant in public administration. They have their own organizational and legal basis, have their own charter, program, leaders, their own goals and objectives, and perform certain functions. One of the goals of any political party is to participate in the political life of society, in solving its issues. One of the party’s tasks is to participate in public administration, as a means of representing the interests of the population during elections at various levels and in the inter-election period. Political parties are a political institution and represent the ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resources of any government. The analysis of the political parties’ functionality shows how dynamic they are and how they follow their statutory goals and objectives. In this context, the research interest is the political parties’ functionality in the regional political process in the light of the changing legal field. The adopted amendments to the federal legislation on elections and on political parties have radically changed a number of conditions governing the procedure for the establishment and functioning of political parties and their regional branches in the regional dimension. The amendments made to the federal law “On Political Parties” have changed the conditions for the creation and operation of political parties, in particular, the minimum number of members of a political party when it is created has been reduced to 500 members; the approaches to voting have been changed. These changes correspond to the state of the modern political process and are aimed at the development of political institutions, including political parties

GOALS AND OBJECTIVES OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN MODERN RUSSIA: A POLITICAL SCIENCE ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 58-62
Author(s):  
N. Zimina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Program Leaders ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Goals And Objectives

The basis of the political analysis of political parties is the observance of the relevant norms regulating the activities of the party, the formation of their goals and objectives. Political parties have their own organizational and legal basis, have their own charter, program, leaders, their own goals and objectives and perform certain functions. One of the goals of any political party is to participate in the political life of society, in solving its issues. One of the tasks of the party is to participate in public administration by representing the interests of the population during the elections of various levels. The legislative field regulating political parties is constantly being updated; laws are being amended in accordance with the realities of society’s life. The adopted amendments to the federal legislation on elections and on political parties have radically changed a number of conditions regulating the procedure for the creation and functioning of political parties, setting their goals and defining tasks. Today, approaches to the formation and activity of political organizations, including parties, have been largely changed, for example, the procedure for creating a political party has been changed, now only 500 members are needed when creating it; approaches to voting have been changed. These changes correspond to the state of the modern political process and are aimed at the development of political institutions, including political parties. The definition of the goals and objectives of the party is within the competence of its statutory documents and is reflected in the party’s program. In general, the setting of the goals and objectives of the party determines its main areas of activity and its essence

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