THE PROBLEM OF REPRESENTATION OF TURKISH WOMEN IN POLITICS (1980S TO THE PRESENT)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 372-387
Author(s):  
Zeynep Tuğçe ÖZTÜRK ◽  
Nurgün KOÇ

In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.

Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.


Author(s):  
Vitaly Melnik

This scientific work was written because the theme of political parties is interesting to me. The reason for my interest in political parties is the relevance of this legal institution. As stated at the outset, it is the political parties that determine the political life of the state, and hence the economic and social life of the country. The purpose of my research is to study the degree of influence of political parties on the economy and social life, in the study of the essence of the influence of political parties on the life of the state. The scientific work examines the history of the emergence and development of political parties in Russia. In scientific work political parties of the Russian Federation, political parties of Latvia are considered, compared and correlated. Political systems of two different countries are compared and correlated. The purpose of this analysis is to identify the General rules and principles of development and existence of political parties.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bénédicte Fauvarque-Cosson

AbstractThis paper provides an overview of the political process which led to the adoption of one of the most important reforms of the Code civil since 1804. This major revision of the French Code civil took place by way of an ‘ordonnance’ (delegated legislation). That, in itself, was highly controversial. As regards substance, the most controversial points related to the need to strike a new balance between contractual justice and legal certainty in French contract law to make it better suited to economic and social life in the twenty-first century. The French contract law reform began at the instigation of President Chirac, was continued under Sarkozy’s presidency and was finally completed while François Hollande was the President of France. This background might suggest that, from a political standpoint, the new provisions of the Code civil successfully struck the right balance between legal certainty and contractual justice; if only political life were so simple. As will be shown in the second part of this paper, many questions remain open. The first part recounts the story behind the reform, from its origins to its completion. The second part gives some further insight into some emblematic new provisions of the Code civil.


Author(s):  
الياس أبوبكر الباروني

There is no doubt that the Libyan society is rich in its demographic and socio-cultural composition, but it was not accompanied by an effective and influential civil society. The tribe was the main controlling factor in the political arena through its political exploitation, especially during the period of Colonel Gaddafi's rule, Rejecting every political color under the pretext of "Who demonstrates other Islamic and civil parties , betrays," and "the partisan abortion of democracy," and the representation of the representation of the "and other political armaments abhorrent, a ranking of the aforementioned is the problem statement of the President’s question of: What is the nature of the role of parties and civil society organizations in political life?. The study aims to identify the emergence of political parties in Libya, clarifying the map of the Islamic parties involved in Libyan political life, and then highlighting the role of civil parties in Libyan political life, as well as standing in the reality of civil society organizations in Libyan political life. The study is a descriptive, descriptive method and a critical analytical approach to understand, study, describe and analyze the role of political parties and civil society organizations and their tools in shaping the political system of Libya, reaching the most important results which was recently created for the first time after the fall of Gaddafi reflected a competitive dynamic, but still lacks the ability to declare specific political programs and identify their political identity and position on current issues related to development issues that Libya seeks to achieve. Following the Libyan revolution in February, a large number of civil society institutions and organizations But it is still limited in activity and there is no presence in all regions of Libya, which reflects the initiative and seek to control the formation of gatherings and federations without having a practical translation at the grassroots level throughout the country.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yuni Harlina

There are differences of opinion about the permissibility of women's political opposite. This is due to understand the Qur'an partial and still gender bias. The divergent views associated with differences in understanding the sources of Islamic teachings, especially the verses of the Koran that talk about politics. This paper discusses how the actual political rights of women in Islam, so that people can understand and are not taboo for women in politics. Based on the identification and classification and analysis of the texts of the Qur'an and the Hadith about politics in al-Qur'an. It was found that women in politics have the right according to Islam. Men and women are obliged to commanding the good and forbidding the evil through several ways including the political media. Islam does not distinguish between men and women in individual rights and the rights of the main civic political rights. However, that should be noted is that all these rights must be placed within the limits of natural as women.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Basuki Rahmat ◽  
Esther Esther

Act No. 10 of 2008 on general elections to mention that voters are those who are first time to vote and aged 17 years or older or are/have been married have the right to vote in elections (and election).Voters beginners who are just entering the age of suffrage also do not yet have broad political range, todetermine where they should vote. So, sometimes what they choose is not as expected.The reason this is causing voters are very prone to be influenced and approached the materialapproach to the political interests of parties politik. Ketidaktahuan in terms of practical politics,especially with the choices in elections or local elections, voters often do not make rational thought andmore thought­term interests short.New voters are often only used by political parties and politicians to serve political interests, forexample be used for fundraising period and the formation of the party underbow organization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Annika Rudman ◽  
Theodora Mkali

Against the background of recent political developments in Malawi, this article provides a gender perspective on Malawian women’s participation in political life. It focuses on the position of women as candidates for political office and explores what determines women’s positioning, the hurdles that exist in their path when entering the political domain and, correspondingly, the obligations that the state has to level the playing field to overcome such hurdles. As a point of departure, it is proposed that Malawi, which since the coming into force of the 1994 Constitution is democratically organised, cannot be deemed fully democratic and legitimate if women and men do not have an equal opportunity to serve their communities through parliamentary representation. Malawi has ratified the African Charter, the Maputo Protocol and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Therefore, it is bound by a multitude of international provisions which promote and protect democracy and women’s rights to political participation. The objective of this article is to analyse how effective the Malawian government has been in implementing women’s political rights as guaranteed under regional human rights law. Using the method of positionality to unveil discrimination and disadvantage, the authors’ arguments presented in this article depart from the idea that internal change can be grounded on legal interventions which implement the legal obligations set out in the African Charter, the  Maputo Protocol and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
Mazen Hussien Faleh Hawamdeh ◽  
Ahmad Saher Ahmad Al-Qteishat

Jordanian womens participation in public policy dates back to 1950s. However, political activism came to a halt in the period between 1956 and 1992. In 1992, the new Political Parties Law granted women the right to participate in political parties. Since then, women became an active member of political parties, but their participation remained largely symbolic and not influential. Women did not seek to join parties. As a result, women are still largely unrepresented in the state. In addition, and the number of women involved in these parties remains low. There are a number of challenges that prevent womens participation in political life in Jordan, such as social restrictions resulting from the traditional structure of Jordanian society. This article discusses the political participation of women in Jordan and addresses the most prominent challenges facing the political work of women in Jordan.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 649-669 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patti Tamara Lenard

Abstract In liberal democracies, citizens are entitled to a substantive package of rights, including the right to participate in politics. Without this right, citizens cannot be self-determining in any rich sense. As more and more people cross borders, the number of residents without citizenship is rising, as is the number of people who have little say in the political life of the communities in which they reside. I assess the normative status of long-term, non-citizen residents and conclude that, without the right to vote, and without the right to run for office, long-term, non-citizen residents are denied political self-determination. Using the “thick-thin” lens that unites the contributions to this issue, I propose granting non-citizen residents more expansive political rights.


ijd-demos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zuhdan

This study wants to review the exclusion of the political rights of communist-leaning community groups to exercise their political rights in Indonesia. Political rights agreed here start from the agreed right, the right to organize, until the right to hold an election to take part in the general election. The author's thesis says that the 15 years of Reformation failed in Indonesia because there was still the exclusion of the political rights of people accused of being PKI henchmen in democratic life in Indonesia. The purpose of this paper in academia is to erase the participation of the inclusion and exclusion discourse of ex-PKI political prisoners joining the political and governance system in Indonesia. Another aim was to advocate for the exclusion of the political rights of groups or people accused of being PKI henchmen. The focus of this paper is to analyze the practice and forms of exclusion of the political rights of the Pki ex-politics and to save in socio-political life in Indonesia. After reading this paper, it will discuss the democratic ironism that developed in Indonesia after the 1998 Reformation because it still opens opportunities for exclusion of the political rights of a minority group. Penelitian ini ingin mengulas pengeklusian hak-hak politik kelompok masyarakat berhaluan komunis untuk menggunakan hak politiknya di Indonesia. Hak politik yang dimaksud disini mulai dari hak menyatakan pendapat, hak berorganisasi, sampai hak mendirikan partai sampai ikut dalam pemilihan umum (Pemilu) . Tesis penulis mengatakan bahwa 15 tahun Reformasi gagal di Indonesia karena masih ada pengeklusian hak politik  orang-orang yang dituduh antek PKI dalam kehidupan berdemokrasi di Indonesia. Tujuan tulisan ini secara akademis untuk membongkar perdebatan wacana inklusi dan ekslusi eks Tapol PKI beserta keluarganya dalam sistem politik dan pemerintahan di Indonesia. Tujuan lainnya adalah untuk mengadvokasi pengeklusian hak-hak politik kelompok ataupun orang-orang yang dituduh antek PKI. Fokus tulisan ini adalah menganalis praktek dan bentuk ekslusi atas hak-hak politik eks tahanan politik Pki dan keluarganya dalam kehidupan sosial politik di Indonesia. Setelah membaca paper ini pembaca akan memahami tentang ironisme demokrasi yang berkembang di Indonesia pasca Reformasi 1998 karena masih membuka peluang ekslusi atas hak-hak politik sebuah kelompok minoritas.


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