Has MGNREGS Affected Farm Profitability?

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-157
Author(s):  
A. Narayanamoorthy

It is argued that the national rural employment guarantee scheme introduced during 2006 has increased the farm wage rate substantially by artificially increasing demand for labour. This seems to have resulted in sharp reduction in farm profitability. Is there any substance in this argument? Chapter 6 delves into this issue deeply utilizing cost of cultivation survey data from different states and different crops consisting of both low and high value crops. The chapter also narrates why the impact of MGNRGES on farm profitability cannot be the same for all crops and all states with empirical evidence. With an analysis of operation-wise cost of cultivation, this chapter also attempts to bring out the variation in its impact between high productivity states and low productivity states.

Think India ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
M. Maschendar Goud ◽  
V Usha Kiran

Aam Aadmi has achieved tremendous transformation from the stage of isolation to the stage of decision maker in the era of globalization. Increasing political concerns, neglecting the confidence on Aam Aadmi has resulted in huge loss to the dictators. In view of the importance of Aam Aadmi, a great change has occurred in terms of concern for Aam Aadmi in the present era. Increasing initiations of social schemes including Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and National Food Security Bill, 2013 are some of the best examples which show that the government is highly concerned for the development and as well as empowerment. In view of the emergence of two of the most popular schemes by the government, the present paper will critically examine the need for social schemes for Aam Aadmi. Further, the paper also contributes the benefits of the schemes. Further, the challenges ahead for the successful implementation of the scheme have also been presented in the paper. The present paper is mainly based on the secondary data. The data pertaining to the opinions of the common people especially in rural India have also been considered. The paper provides the valuable observations on examining the impact of social schemes for the upliftment of Aam aadmi.


Author(s):  
M. Maschendar Goud ◽  
V Usha Kiran

Aam Aadmi has achieved tremendous transformation from the stage of isolation to the stage of decision maker in the era of globalization. Increasing political concerns, neglecting the confidence on Aam Aadmi has resulted in huge loss to the dictators. In view of the importance of Aam Aadmi, a great change has occurred in terms of concern for Aam Aadmi in the present era. Increasing initiations of social schemes including Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and National Food Security Bill, 2013 are some of the best examples which show that the government is highly concerned for the development and as well as empowerment. In view of the emergence of two of the most popular schemes by the government, the present paper will critically examine the need for social schemes for Aam Aadmi. Further, the paper also contributes the benefits of the schemes. Further, the challenges ahead for the successful implementation of the scheme have also been presented in the paper. The present paper is mainly based on the secondary data. The data pertaining to the opinions of the common people especially in rural India have also been considered. The paper provides the valuable observations on examining the impact of social schemes for the upliftment of Aam aadmi.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajeshwari Deshpande ◽  
Louise Tillin ◽  
K.K. Kailash

In this article, we use data from the 2019 NES post-poll survey to assess the impact of BJP’s welfare schemes on voting behaviour. We demonstrate that compared to earlier elections, voters are more likely to give credit to the central government as opposed to state governments or local politicians for welfare schemes. This centralization is especially the case for some of the BJP’s new welfare programmes such as Ujjwala and the Jan Dhan Yojana. However, even earlier Congress-era schemes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and the Awas Yojana are now more associated with the central government. Schemes such as the Public Distribution System (PDS) and Old Age Pensions are still more likely to be associated with state governments. At the all-India level, we find some evidence that voters who received benefits under Ujjwala, Jan Dhan Yojana or Awas Yojana schemes were more likely to vote for the BJP, whereas recipients of pensions or MGNREGA were less likely to support the BJP.


2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janani Rangarajan ◽  
Rajesh Kumar ◽  
Sriram Narayanamurthy ◽  
Suma Prashant ◽  
Ashok Jhunjhunwala

Social Change ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 552-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akhil Alha

The study discusses the impact of the implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) on an already tightened rural labour market through a field survey conducted in two villages of Rajasthan. The article argues that the impact of the programme in a constricted rural labour market has been marginal because of a low off-take of work because of already developed alternate livelihood strategies which reduced the incentive to work in this programme. Nevertheless, the scheme has been instrumental in two ways: first, it led to the withdrawal of lower caste women from agricultural work which signifies an escape from the exploitative production relations in the two villages under study; and second, it has resulted in the formation of an exclusive category of MGNREGA workers consisting of female workers from the middle castes who were previously were not participating in paid labour.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (10) ◽  
pp. 1361-1376
Author(s):  
Malik Altaf Hussain

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to look at the socio-economic determinants of employment in Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) at both household and individual level. My results show that there is no discrimination in provision of employment to backward classes. Out of all the Indian States, J&K has lowest female participation in the scheme. My results show that women are discriminated against in provision of employment. Worksite facilities, like creche, can positively affect female participation in the scheme. Design/methodology/approach The author uses multi-variate OLS regression model to analyse the data collected through primary survey of three heterogenous villages of district Ganderbal of J&K. Findings The author finds clear evidence of discrimination against females in provision of employment along with slight evidence of elite capture of the scheme. The author also finds negative relationship between the number of children in a household and the number of workdays which highlights the importance of worksite facilities to increase female and overall participation for the scheme to be successful. Research limitations/implications The possible limitation could be small sample size but given that this is the first study of its kind in the J&K State, researchers can build up on it. Originality/value This is one of the first research papers which looks at the performance of MGNREGS in J&K in such detail. No comprehensive study of this magnitude and rigour has been undertaken in J&K till now.


Author(s):  
Prof.P.Manjushree ◽  
P.Geetha

It is a well-documented fact that COVID -19 pandemic is having a ravaging effect across the world, lives, livelihoods, lifestyles, life forms and more have been heavily impacted. To control the spread of pandemic Indian government adopted different approaches like - three weeks lockdown imposing social distancing, closure of non essential and businesses and very high restrictions on the mobility of people. All these measure had repercussions on the economy and severe impact among the tribal communities because of limited resources of livelihood, lack of access to Covid-19 testing and healthcare facilities, disruption of supply chains etc. According to government sources more than 10 crore forest dwellers depend on minor forest produce (MFPs) for earning income to meet their basic expenses. Due to the extensive lock down measures government failed to provide employment to tribal people under schemes like the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and Pradhan Mantri Van Dhan Yojana (PMVDY). This has triggered an increase in the dependence of the tribal population on the sale of forest produce. Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA) should plan more supportive policy measures to reduce the impact of the pandemic on the living conditions of the tribal community.The paper focusses on the first wave of the pandemic and its impact on tribal community. KEY WORDS: COVID -19,lock down, tribal community, impact, minor forest produce(MFPS), ministry of tribal affairs (MoTA), Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani ◽  
K. Raju

This article argues that the Indian state can develop the capacity to deliver economic rights in a citizen-friendly way, despite serious challenges posed by patronage politics and clientelism. Clientelistic politics reveals why the Indian state fails to deliver the basic rights such as the right to work, health and education. We argue that the ability of the state to deliver owes a lot to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas in a path-dependent way. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after they have gained a fair amount of traction within the state. We test the powering and puzzling leading to a tipping point model on the implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) in undivided Andhra Pradesh (AP). How and why did undivided AP develop the capacity to make reach employment to the rural poor, when many other states failed to implement the right to work in India?


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