Indian Volleyball

2021 ◽  
pp. 60-69
Author(s):  
Bino Paul

Bino Paul’s essay examines international data on participation and success in volleyball and draws some interesting, early linkages between sports performance and institutional changes outside sports to answer the question, how do participative sports such as volleyball under global conditions assume success or failure? Positing one’s own local lived experience as a starting point, helps to delve into an understanding these developments, of the political economy of fading sponsorships, commercial ventures, and professional competitions.

Author(s):  
Zelia A. Gallo

This chapter argues that institutionalist accounts of punishment, crime, and inequality should look to the thinning of political ideologies and its institutional implications. It explores the claim according to which thin ideologies such as populism, technocracy and plebiscitarianism, have institutional ambitions and tend to incentivise reforms that favour executive discretion and a politics of disintermediation. This claim is illustrated by reference to Italy both during and after the Eurozone crisis. Italy functions as a starting point for a broader discussion of how ideologies might change institutions, and therefore the penal incentives that follow from particular institutional configurations. The chapter argues that institutional changes rooted in thin ideologies may have long-term effects on punishment by incentivising a more adversarial and retaliatory approach to conflict – and thence to crime and deviance – and dis-incentivising a more negotiated and reintegrative approach to conflict, including the type of interpersonal conflict represented by crime and deviance.


Author(s):  
Christian Bjørnskov

This chapter provides a selective survey of the literature on social trust in public choice and political economy. It outlines the empirical evidence and discusses theoretical channels through which social trust can affect the quality of institutions and policies, and the conditions under which such mechanisms are likely to work. It also addresses the discussion of reverse causality, that is, whether good institutions or policies actively create trust. It then discusses whether trust can be created or destroyed by activist government policy or accidental institutional changes. Its main focus is on the set of theories and evidence of the association between social trust and institutions of governance.


1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-133
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Gidengil

AbstractPaul Kellogg has called on Canadian political economists to break decisively with dependency theory, arguing that Nikolai Bukharin's insights can provide the key to retheorizing Canada as an unqualifiedly advanced capitalist economy. This comment first questions Kellogg's assumption that left-nationalist dependency theorists were ascribing nationalist motivations to capital investment and then goes on to illustrate that the case for Carroll's internationalist thesis is not as strong as Kellogg supposes. Questions are raised about the appropriateness of Bukharin's emphasis on state capitalism and the nationalization of capitalist interests in the light of Canada's current strategy of market-led continentalism. Finally, the argument is made that capitalist laws of motion can provide only a starting point for understanding the political economy of Canada.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia El Dardiry ◽  
Sami Hermez

This colloquy takes the Middle East region as a starting point from which to explore a contrapuntal concept of security that is subverted from its original meaning and captured from the state. The essays follow the lives of revolutionary youth, doctors, commodity traders, refugees, and spies to examine their experiences of (in)security. In doing so, the essays deploy storytelling and other ethnographic forms to think of the political economy, emotions, flows, and ethics of security from the perspective of those living-in-crisis.


1999 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Fernandes da Silva

This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Kosta Josifidis ◽  
Alpar Losonc ◽  
Novica Supic

The political economy approach that entails critical arguments in relation to the processes of migration in neoliberal terms is developed in the paper. Starting with the account that migration covers as broad issues as politics, economics and population dynamic, the authors address the issue of migration in the political economy circuits of neoliberalization. In fact, the main line of argument is connected to the political economy as the relevant discursive frame and explanatory principle for the articulation of the complexity of migration. Critical arguments relating to the processes of migration in the neoliberal context thematize the mechanism of implemented flexibilisation and deregulation of labor. Demographic dynamics is essential in this context, but the authors intend to identify those political economy processes that lead to high precariousness, to various forms of temporary labor which are closely associated with forced labor forms. The category of forced labor is emphasized in the contemporary forms of migration, because this mode of labor facilitates the migration throughout the world. Furthermore, the authors point out the contradictory position of the state in relation to the migration-processes and analyse the authoritarian statism. This argumentation leads to articulation of the contradictory position of neoliberalization. The neoliberal discourses bring out the critical stance concerning the supremacy of the state, but it plays a key role in the regulation of migration. The state exposed to migration is faced with the contradictory demands. The globalization indicates the world without borders but is faced with the same contradictions. It is no coincidence that the intention of the reconceptualizations of globalization are interested in promoting global public goods. The processes of privatization in the sphere of the regulation of migration sharpen the contradictions of migration in the context of neoliberalization. The political economy approach is faced with the tension between the two approaches. The first proposed regulation and workforce management at the supranational level. The other remains in the framework of ?methodological nationalism?: the appropriate starting point is the national state. Given the fact that structural inequalities should be recognized at a global level, and that processes of migration show that there is a certain hierarchical global flow in the context of the dynamics of workforce, the first approach proves to be inadequate. In other words, the second approach could not articulate the relevant tendencies. Accordingly, the political economy approach that intends to include complex determination regarding the migration should integrate the national trends in the supranational framework. But, proper research should take into account that globalization and its complex order consist of a number of interventions and interferences. This means that the aforementioned approach must develop sufficiently complex methodology in order to articulate its selected subject.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-218
Author(s):  
James Ramsey Wallen

Abstract This article reads Flaubert's unfinished final novel Bouvard et Pécuchet as a two-volume epic that demonstrates the secret of the encyclopedia: the fact that different calculi of truth functions can be seen to operate independently in different areas of knowledge, that knowledge itself contains contradictions. Taking Lukács's distinction between “narrative” and “descriptive” realism as a starting point, I argue that Bouvard in fact “narrates” the very changes Lukács describes, depicting a historical shift that speaks not only to changes in literary practice but to fundamental changes in the theory and organization of knowledge itself (compare Umberto Eco's From Tree to Labyrinth). Drawing on Bernard Stiegler's theory of the “proletarianization of consumption” in the postmodern “libidinal economy,” I read Flaubert as offering a prophetic Marxist critique of the political economy (centered around the consumption of information) that determines Bouvard and Pécuchet's estate. The novel's structure as an immoralist bildungsroman—in which the protagonists’ faithful pursuit of Enlightenment ideals eventually leads them to directly reject those ideals—corresponds to and predicts the situation diagnosed by Stiegler in For a New Critique of Political Economy. Finally, I point to a cycle of sublimation and desublimation in the novel regarding knowledge and stupidity, a complex cycle that nonetheless makes it possible to read the ascetic-aesthetic copy-mapping project of volume 2 (the Sottisier) as a cynical but effective response to dehumanizing capitalist processes like proletarianization and the desublimation of knowledge.


2021 ◽  
pp. 102452942098752
Author(s):  
Hubert Buch-Hansen ◽  
Martin B Carstensen

Competing ecopolitical projects seek to deliver answers to one of the most central questions of our time: how can the escalating climate crisis be halted? The paper asks how we may meaningfully compare ecopolitical projects that originate in fundamentally different conceptions of the type of change necessary to reach a sustainable organization of society? Using Peter Hall's paradigm approach as a starting point, the paper employs extant political economy scholarship to develop a framework that sets out four key dimensions that work as points of comparison between ecopolitical projects. The framework is applied in a comparison of the competing ecopolitical projects of green growth and degrowth to elucidate the ways in which these projects differ profoundly in terms of the extensiveness of change they envision, the actors they consider pivotal for sustainability transitions, their scientific basis and their distributional consequences.


Author(s):  
Dafydd Sills-Jones

In looking at the connections between changes in the political economy of the television industry in the UK and the changing form of history documentaries during the 1990s, my starting point was an alleged boom in the production and viewership of history documentaries on terrestrial television during that period. The centrality of documentary to debates regarding quality and public service during a period of marketisation, often evidenced by a decline in ‘serious’ programming, made this alleged growth particularly interesting. But due to the 25-year embargo on the BBC written archives, the lack of an accessible Channel 4 written archive and the commercial confidentiality surrounding the archives of independent television producers I had to turn to my industry experience, and to interviews with industry figures, in order to conduct my study. This meant returning to a discourse which I had once been part of, but one which I had seriously questioned throughout my previous career in history documentary production. This paper looks at how differing working practices, knowledge sets, terminology, and my own shifting sense of identity affected the way in which this research was conducted.


Author(s):  
Manuel Tolentino Rodarte

El artículo presenta, desde una perspectiva político-discursiva, escenarios que se interpelan en la política pública de combate a la pobreza implementada por el gobierno mexicano en la transición del siglo XX al XXI. Mediante un análisis político discursivo, damos cuenta de los procesos de construcción de sentido de lo político en temas y problemas de gobierno, así como de ciertas subjetividades de un orden social, en las políticas –entendidas como cursos de gobierno–, que propone lugares a diferentes sectores de la población, lo que permite observar, además, algunas tensiones políticas entre localidades históricas y apoyos gubernamentales para el desarrollo.Así, partimos del análisis del andamiaje operativo de la política pública que, al atender objetivos y metas específicas de combate a la pobreza, reclama un modelo de sociedad, enarbolando valores y principios económicos y de desarrollo racionalizados monetariamente, en un contexto de implementación, para observar elementos de la experiencia vivida (en la localidad de Coyolillo, Veracruz), lo cual nos permite complejizar dicha implementación de la política pública, en un campo de discursividades donde se tensionan normas y valores locales, fundadores de horizontes de plenitud y bienestar.Finalmente, mediante un análisis de lo político, se plantea que los elementos de la pobreza que guían la política social pueden llegar a disponer de lugares, a clasificar y estructurar particularidades sociales, en función de la coyuntura neoliberal, y no de otras, cuya especificidad emerge en tensiones políticas entre discursividades superpuestas.Palabras clave: Subjetivación política, Política pública, Politicidades y discurso The political for public policies: mechanisms and tensions in the fight against povertySummaryThe article presents, from a political-discursive perspective, scenarios that are questioned in the public policy to combat poverty implemented by the Mexican government in the transition from the 20th to the 21st century. Through a discursive political analysis, the processes of construction of meaning of the political in government issues and problems, as well as of certain subjectivities of a social order, in the policies -understood as courses of government-, which proposes places to different sectors of the population, which also allows observing some political tensions between historical localities and governmental support for development.Thus, the starting point  is the analysis of the operational scaffolding of public policy that, by addressing specific objectives and goals to combat poverty, calls for a model of society, upholding monetarily rationalized economic and development values and principles, in an implementation context, to observe elements of the lived experience (in the town of Coyolillo, Veracruz), which makes the implementation of public policy more complex, in a field of discursiveness where local norms and values, founders of horizons of fulfillment and well-being, are strained.Finally, through an analysis of the political, it is argued that the elements of poverty that guide social policy can come to have places, to classify and structure social particularities, based on the neoliberal situation, and not on others, whose specificity emerges in political tensions between overlapping discursiveness.Keywords: Political Subjectivation, Public policy, Politicization and discourse Le politique pour les politiques publiques : dispositifs et tensions dans le combat contre la pauvretéRésuméL’article présente, à partir d’une perspective politique-discursive, des scénarios qui s’interpellent dans la politique de combat contre la pauvreté mise en œuvre par le gouvernement mexicain dans la transition du XXe. siècle vers le XXIe. À travers une analyse politique discursive, on rend compte des processus de construction de sens du fait politique dans des thèmes et problèmes du gouvernement, ainsi que certaines subjectivités d’un ordre social, dans les politiques – comprises comme des cours de gouvernement-, qui propose des lieux de différents secteurs de la population, ce qui permet d’observer, en plus, quelques tensions politiques parmi des villes historiques et appuis gouvernementaux pour le développement. De cette manière, on part de l’analyse de l’échafaudage opératif de la politique publique qui, quand elle fait attention aux objectifs et aux buts spécifiques de combat contre la pauvreté, elle réclame un modèle de société, en arborant des valeurs et des principes économiques et de développement rationalisés monétairement , dans un contexte d’implémentation, pour observer des éléments de l’expérience vécue (dans la ville de Coyolillo, Veracruz), ce qui nous permet de problématiser cette implémentation de la politique publique, dans un champ de réflexions où les normes et valeurs locaux se tendent, fondateurs d’horizons de plénitude et bien-être.Finalement, à travers une analyse du fait politique, on propose que les éléments de la pauvreté qui guident la politique sociale peuvent disposer de lieux, classifier et structurer des particularités sociales, en fonction de la conjoncture néolibérale et pas d’autres, dont leur spécificité émerge en tensions politiques parmi les discursivités superposées.Mots clés: Subjectivation politique, Politique publique, Politiques et discours


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