Reform Movements

Author(s):  
Nalini Bhushan ◽  
Jay L. Garfield

This chapter contrasts a number of different accounts of that in which Indian national identity consists that were advanced in the colonial period. It considers criteria of identity based in geography, culture, political history, art and religion, and show how each of these contributed to the development of national consciousness.

Author(s):  
Alaigul Karabaevna Bekboeva

This article considers the role of the media as a partner of the state and society, as well as spontaneity. Due to this, media serve as one of the factors in the formation of national self-consciousness and its elements, such as shame. The author analyzes such element of national identity as national shame. It is proved that national shame as a social phenomenon has a social meaning of the regulator of human relationships in social existence. It is noted that national shame is socially determined, has a permanent character, and its socially significant semantic principles are passed from generation to generation as a form of behavior through implantation and interspersing it as a daily norm of people's behavior, giving each act a value-significant meaning.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaiane Muradian

Voyaging throughout the villages and towns of historic Armenia, dissident Turkish writer Kemal Yalçin discovers hidden, secret or crypto-Armenian families whose disguise of national identity, suppression of memories of historic catastrophes and fear of discrimination are experienced as personal tragedies. Yalçin describes his journey of discovery of silenced memories and invisible identities in his book You Rejoice My Heart (2007) – a documentary, fact-based collection combining features of a novel and political history blended together. The significant point that the present paper emphasises is the fact that the recording of the pain and the hopes of hidden Armenians is Kemal Yalçin’s autobiographical confession and his protest against Turkish nationalist and chauvinist policy, against the intolerance and aggression of Turkish authorities and his recognition of the Genocide of Armenians in 1915.


1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-107
Author(s):  
Salustiano del Campo ◽  
Enrique Gil-Calvo

It may be argued that the solidity of a country's popular culture (and hence its capacity to resist penetration by foreign cultural forms) depends on its inhabitants' consciousness of sharing a common national identity: a highly nationalistic society will successfully repel alien cultural invasions while a society with a weak national consciousness will easily absorb extraneous cultural forms. It must be noted that the national identity referred to is a historical construction contingent upon the element of conflict, competition or opposition that has characterized the country's relations with its neighbours throughout generations.


Author(s):  
Jerry T. Watkins

Before market forces created recognizable sites of gay and lesbian community, some queer Floridians leveraged their race and class privileges to create or gain access to spaces in order to find others like themselves. This chapter uses bars, “gay parties,” and friendship networks to show the ways that postwar mobility shaped queer socializing through complex negotiations of desire and access. In Tallahassee, the Cypress Lounge at the Floridan Hotel became an unofficial gay bar, while Florida’s powerbrokers schmoozed and facilitated connections to national identity-based rights discourses. Others used their private homes to host networks of gay and lesbian friends from around the panhandle. In Pensacola, Trader Jon’s and the Hi-Ho Five O’Clock Club were queered by sexually and gender non-conforming individuals.


Author(s):  
Jenna M. Schultz

Through dynastic accident, England and Scotland were united under King James VI and I in 1603. To smooth the transition, officials attempted to create a single state: Great Britain. Yet the project had a narrow appeal; the majority of the English populace rejected a closer relationship with Scotland. Such a strong reaction against Scotland resulted in a revived sense of Englishness. This essay analyzes English tactics to distance themselves from the Scots through historical treatises. For centuries, the English had created vivid histories to illuminate their ancient past. It is evident from the historical works written between 1586 and 1625 that authors sought to maintain a position of dominance over Scotland through veiled political commentaries. As such, their accounts propagated an English national identity based on a sense of historical supremacy over the Scottish. This was further supported through the use of language studies and archaeological evidence. After the 1603 Union of the Crowns, these stories did not change. Yet, questions arose regarding the king's genealogy, as he claimed descent from the great kings of both kingdoms. Consequently, historians re-invented the past to merge their historical accounts with the king's ancestral claims while continuing to validate English assertions of suzerainty.


2019 ◽  
pp. 106-166
Author(s):  
Angma Dey Jhala

The chapter examines the role of enumerative data in defining identity and ethnicity during the late colonial period. Focussing on two surveys of the CHT from 1876 and 1909 by W.W. Hunter and R.H. Sneyd Hutchinson respectively, it investigates how the census created standardized labels, relating to religion, tribe, and caste, which often undermined the region’s porous border-crossing, interethnic, and interreligious history. It reveals the inherent contradictions, vagueness of definitions, and, at times, gross inaccuracies within official bureaucratic documentation. Further, it notes how colonial demographic categories would influence later nationalist determinations of cultural and religious identity based on population numbers.


2004 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL M. SNIDERMAN ◽  
LOUK HAGENDOORN ◽  
MARKUS PRIOR

This paper examines the bases of opposition to immigrant minorities in Western Europe, focusing on The Netherlands. The specific aim of this study is to test the validity of predictions derived from two theories—realistic conflict, which emphasizes considerations of economic well-being, and social identity, which emphasizes considerations of identity based on group membership. The larger aim of this study is to investigate the interplay of predisposing factors and situational triggers in evoking political responses. The analysis is based on a series of three experiments embedded in a public opinion survey carried out in The Netherlands (n=2007) in 1997–98. The experiments, combined with parallel individual-level measures, allow measurement of the comparative impact of both dispositionally based and situationally triggered threats to economic well-being and to national identity at work. The results show, first, that considerations of national identity dominate those of economic advantage in evoking exclusionary reactions to immigrant minorities and, second, that the effect of situational triggers is to mobilize support for exclusionary policies above and beyond the core constituency already predisposed to support them.


Author(s):  
Rachel D. Brown

The subject of Muslim integration has been the focus of much policy development, media engagement, and everyday conversation in France. Because of the strong rhetoric about national identity—a national identity based on Republican ideals of universalism, equality, and French secularism (laïcité)—the question often becomes, “Can Muslims, as Muslims, integrate into French society and ‘be’ French?” In other contexts (e.g., the United States), religion may act as an aid in immigrants’ integration. In Europe, and France specifically, religion is viewed as an absolute hindrance to integration. Because of this, and thanks to a specific migration history of Muslims to France, the colonial grounding for the development of French nationality and secularism, and the French assimilationist model of integration, Muslims are often viewed as, at best, not able to integrate and, at worst, not willing to integrate into French society. The socioeconomic inequality between Muslim and non-Muslim French (as represented by life in the banlieues [suburbs]), the continued labeling of second- and third-generation North African Muslim youth as “immigrants,” the occurrence of terrorist attacks and radicalization on European soil, and the use of religious symbols (whether the head scarf or religious food practices) as symbols of intentional difference all add to the perception that Muslims are, and should be, the subject of integration efforts in France. While the discourse is often that Muslims have failed to integrate into French society through an acceptance and enactment of French values and policies, new research is suggesting that the “failed” integration of Muslims reveals a deeper failure of French Republican universalism, equality, and secularism.


Author(s):  
Niklas Foxeus

Contemporary Buddhism in Burma/Myanmar is diverse and manifold, and the variety of “modern” forms of Buddhism have evolved since the colonial period in dynamic interplay with modernization, colonization, nation-building, and shifting socioeconomic circumstances. Complex hybrids have emerged, combining a wide variety of sources and influences, drawing both on the pre-colonial developments and novel ones introduced during the colonial period onward, reflecting the interests of those involved, identity politics, and power struggles. This chapter investigates the development of a textual, doctrinal Buddhism, defense and promotion of the Buddha’s sasana, moral community, and national identity in a diversity of movements: the Buddhist lay associations, systematic meditation, and Abhidhamma studies for the laypeople, the insight meditation movement and the esoteric congregations, Buddhist nationalism, socially engaged Buddhism, and individualist trends and prosperity Buddhism.


2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 283-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
NILE GREEN

AbstractThis essay examines a series of ‘Hindustani’ meditation manuals from the high colonial period against a sample of etiquette and medicinal works from the same era. In doing so, the essay has two principal aims, one specific to the Indian past and one pertaining to more general historical enquiry. The first aim is to subvert a longstanding trend in the ‘history’ of religions which has understood meditational practices through a paradigm of the mystical and transcendent. In its place, the essay examines such practices—and in particular their written, and printed, formulation—within the ideological and technological contexts in which they were written. In short, meditation is historicised, and its ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ expressions, compared in the process. The second aim is more ambitious: to test the limits of historical knowledge by asking whether it is possible to recount a history of breathing. In reassembling a political economy of respiration from a range of colonial writings, the essay thus hopes to form a listening device for the intimate rhythms of corporeal history. In doing so, it may suggest ways to recount a connected and necessarily political history of the body, the spirit and the world.


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