The Active Rise of China

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-118
Author(s):  
Manjari Chatterjee Miller

China transformed economically and militarily in the 1990s, and was recognized by the world as a rising power. This chapter examines the process of its rise and finds that in addition to increasing its military and economic power, China also engaged in accommodational behavior. In a switch from its past foreign policy behavior, it now conformed to the existing international order by accepting its norms. It integrated into many international institutions and regimes in the world, and began to also assume leadership roles in various international issues. Simultaneously, it had narratives on how to become a great power through institutional leadership, multilateralism, and acceptance of international responsibility.

Author(s):  
Hardhana Danastri

This paper aims to understand the geopolitical rivalry between the long-standing great power U.S. and the world’s emerging economic power China, particularly their rivalry within contested South China Sea. This article conducted qualitative methods to produce in depth analysis towards the phenomenon. One question is at stake which is what both powers want in South China Sea. The answer raises an additional inquiry; what kind of significances that South China Sea promises for either U.S. or China? This article argues that U.S. and China both strive for control over the territory. To answer the latter question, this paper is using a geopolitical approach, emphasizing on the lines of communication and centers of resources that South China Sea offers. This paper also argues that China’s geopolitical objective is intended to strengthen their regional hegemony, ultimately global pre-eminence in the long-term. Meanwhile, U.S. seeks to re-assert their power in the region and to rebalance their rising power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-362
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Kawasaki

An unprecedented geopolitical landscape, driven by the reduction of Arctic ice and the rise of China as “a Polar power,” is emerging. What does this mean for Canada, and how should Canada respond to it in a systematic and strategic manner? We need a coherent and holistic conceptual framework to answer these key policy questions. Yet, the current literatures do not offer us such a concept. In an attempt to fill the void, this article presents a vision that conceives of Canada as “a peninsula state” exposed to great power politics in its vicinity, involving China as a rising power as well as the United States and Russia as resident powers. Furthermore, it argues that Canada should be prepared for three kinds of strategic dynamics as it enters the game of great power politics: theatre-linkage tactics and wedge-driving tactics vis-à-vis China and Russia, as well as quasi-alliance dilemma with the United States. Moreover, in order for Canada to cope with this complex international environment effectively, this article calls for creating a cabinet-level unit to coordinate various federal bureaucracies’ foreign and security policies.


Asian Survey ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 595-617 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhaohui Wang

This paper examines the symbiotic but asymmetric relationship between the United States as the core and China as the semi-periphery. It argues that China’s policy response in both domestic and international domains after the global financial crisis reveals that China as a rising power is no longer a rule-taker, but between a rule-maker and a rule-breaker that adds incremental reforms to current international institutions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 142-154
Author(s):  
Manjari Chatterjee Miller

This chapter reviews the patterns found in the book and draws conclusions about the rise of China and India today. It argues that economic power, military power, and narratives about becoming a great power are all essential elements that rising powers which became great powers possessed, and in order to actively rise, these countries recognized the current norms of great power and initially played by the rules of the international order. Those that did not possess all those elements stayed reticent. Particularly, the absence of narratives about how to become a great power stymied these countries from active behavior on the world stage even when they possessed important elements of material power. This difference between active and reticent powers helps us understand why some nations rise to become great powers, as well as the differences between China and India today.


2021 ◽  
pp. 69-97
Author(s):  
Manjari Chatterjee Miller

Japan was considered a rising power in the late 19th century and again during the Cold War. But it rose to become a great power in only the former period. This chapter examines the rise of Meiji Japan and Cold War Japan to show how, despite growing military and economic power in both eras, Japan’s behavior was different—Meiji Japan was active and Cold War Japan was reticent. Examining the narratives in both periods, it finds that in the former it had narratives about how to become a colonial great power, and in the latter it lacked narratives of great power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  

Department of Biological Chemistry, Ariel University, 40700 Ariel, Israel. The currently roaring corona pandemic can be seen as a leading event in the deadly outbreak controlling the various health facilities and hospitals for years. The nosocomial microbial epidemic kills thousands of people every year in Israel around the world. Hygiene is the culprit for these fatal diseases [1]. And now it seems that the politicians, in macup to take care of the eradication of the disease-causing microbe, are taking advantage of the situation for the purpose of accumulating political capital and additional economic power. There is no escape from fighting the virus and tanning that bring about its reproduction, strengthening and transformation.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laila Fariha Zein ◽  
Adib Rifqi Setiawan

In today’s world, it is easier and easier to stay connected with people who are halfway across the world. Social media and a globalizing economy have created new methods of business, trade and socialization resulting in vast amounts of communication and effecting global commerce. Like her or hate her, Kimberly Noel Kardashian West as known as Kim Kardashian has capitalized on social media platforms and the globalizing economy. Kim is known for two things: famous for doing nothing and infamous for a sex tape. But Kim has not let those things define her. With over 105 million Instagram followers and 57 million Twitter followers, Kim has become a major global influence. Kim has travelled around the world, utilizing the success she has had on social media to teach make-up master classes with professional make-up artist, Mario Dedivanovic. She owns or has licensed several different businesses including: an emoji app, a personal app, a gaming app, a cosmetics line, and a fragrance line. Not to be forgotten, the Kardashian family show, ‘Keeping Up with the Kardashians’ has been on the air for ten years with Kim at the forefront. Kim also has three books: ‘Kardashian Konfidential’, ‘Dollhouse’, and ‘Selfish’. With her rising social media following, Kim has used the platforms to show her support for politicians and causes, particularly, recognition of the Armenian genocide. Kim also recently spoke at the Forbes’ women’s summit. Following the summit, Kim tweeted out her support for a recent movement on Twitter, #freeCyntoiaBrown which advocated for a young woman who claimed to have shot and killed the man who held her captive as a teenage sex slave in self-defense. Kim had her own personal lawyers help out Cyntoia on her case. Kim has also moved beyond advocating for issues within the confines of the United States. As mentioned earlier, she is known for advocating for recognition of the Armenian genocide. In the last two years, her show has made it a point to address the Armenian situation as it was then and as it is now. Kim has been recognized as a global influencer by others across the wordl. We believe Kim has become the same as political leaders when it comes to influencing the public. Kim’s story reveals that the new reality creates a perfect opportunity for mass disturbances or for initiating mass support or mass disapproval. Although Kim is typically viewed for her significance to pop culture, Kim’s business and social media following have placed her deep into the mix of international commerce. As her businesses continue to grow and thrive, we may see more of her influence on international issues and an increase in the commerce from which her businesses benefit.


Author(s):  
Simon Caney

In recent years, a number of powerful arguments have been given for thinking that there should be suprastate institutions, and that the current ones, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and United Nations Security Council, need to be radically reformed and new ones created. Two distinct kinds of argument have been advanced. One is instrumental and emphasizes the need for effective suprastate political institutions to realize some important substantive ideals (such as preventing dangerous climate change, eradicating poverty, promoting fair trade, and securing peace). The second is procedural and emphasizes the importance of political institutions that include all those subject to their power in as democratic a process as possible, and builds on this to call for democratically accountable international institutions. In this chapter, the author argues that the two approaches need not conflict, and that they can in fact lend support to each other.


Author(s):  
Michelle Murray

How can established powers manage the peaceful rise of new great powers? With The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, the author offers a new answer to this perennial question in international relations, arguing that power transitions are principally social phenomena whereby rising powers struggle to obtain recognition of their identity as a great power. At the center of great power identity formation is the acquisition of particular symbolic capabilities—such as battlesheips, aircraft carriers, or nuclear weapons—that are representative of great power status and that allow rising powers to experience their uncertain social status as a brute fact. When a rising power is recognized, this power acquisition is considered legitimate and its status in the international order secured, leading to a peaceful power transition. If a rising power is misrecognized, its assertive foreign policy is perceived to be for revisionist purposes, which must be contained by the established powers. Revisionism—rather than the product of a material power structure that encourages aggression or domestic political struggles—is a social construct that emerges through a rising power’s social interactions with the established powers as it attempts to gain recognition of its identity. The question of peaceful power transition has taken on increased salience in recent years with the emergence of China as an economic and military rival of the United States. Highlighting the social dynamics of power transitions, this book offers a powerful new framework through which to understand the rise of China and how the United States can facilitate its peaceful rise.


Author(s):  
Leonard V. Smith

We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.


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