Implications of Racial Identity

Author(s):  
Natalie Masuoka

This chapter compares the political attitudes of multiracial-identified individuals to those of whites, blacks, and Latinos. It begins by offering three different arguments that explain the political attitude development of multiracial individuals, which are labeled assimilation, racial formation, and group identity. The chapter compares attitudes of the four groups on measures of racial attitudes, partisanship, and public policies. The chapter also considers how multiracial attitudes might differ depending on the multiracial respondent’s racial combination (e.g., white-black vs. white-Asian) and assesses the extent to which there exists attitudinal variation within the multiracial population when accounting for multiracial respondents’ described racial combination.

Author(s):  
Yue Yang ◽  
Sanqing Ding

The political attitude and value orientation of young teachers in colleges and universities play an important role in running a socialist university with China’s characteristics, cultivating young people’s correct values and builders of socialism with China’s characteristics. To explore the influencing factors of young university teachers’ political attitudes and value orientation, by constructing the interpretive structure model (ISM) and fuzzy theory, seven major influencing factors were analyzed that affect the political attitude and value orientation of young teachers in colleges and universities, and a hierarchical structure between influencing factors was explained. As a basic basis, this study puts forward the countermeasures to improve the political quality of young teachers in colleges and universities, strengthen the propaganda and ideological work in universities, and promote the overall education reform.


Author(s):  
Jill S. Greenlee ◽  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow

As the rhetoric around parenthood has increased in the political world, so too has the scholarly focus on parenthood within political science and related fields. This article attempts to account for the many ways in which parenthood is political and has implications for the study of politics. In this article, we consider parenthood as a role, identity, and life event that has the potential to shape the attitudes and behaviors of individuals. We also review literature on the constitutive roles that public policies and political institutions play in structuring the meanings and practices of parenthood. In this survey, the unit and topics of analysis differ across areas of study, varying from parent, child, candidate, officeholder, historical era, or policy domain. The literature is also characterized by the use of different data sources, methodologies, and research designs, all of which vary in their ability to isolate the independent effect of parenthood on the outcome of interest and which we acknowledge is largely focused on heterosexual partnerships and two-parent households. The scholarship here is organized around four major themes: 1) Parenthood and political socialization, 2) Parenthood and political attitudes and behavior in the mass public, 3) Parenthood and political behavior among elites, and 4) Parenthood as terrain for state-building and public policies. In this structure, we first review some central works within the literature on parents as primary socializing agents of their children’s early political orientations, while also discussing the smaller literature on children as socializing agents onto parents. Second, we examine research on how parenthood shapes the political lives of adults in the mass public. We consider literature regarding how parenthood shapes the policy stances of political elites and literature examining the political attitudes and behaviors of voters and activists. We also review research on how parenthood shapes how voters evaluate political candidates. We then consider how parenthood operates as a landscape for state-building through public policy and political institutions, and how parenthood functions as a social arrangement around which public policies are built. While scholarship outside of political science examines aspects of parenthood with implications for politics, this review covers primarily research within political science. Moreover, we touch only lightly upon topics that have generated vast amounts of scholarship, such as the politics of women’s fertility and reproductive rights. Finally, we are mindful that approaches to the study of parenthood that examine how gender, gender identity, race, sexuality, disability, and class converge to shape distinct parenting experiences, identities, vulnerabilities, and policy needs are unfortunately uncommon within political science—we hope this bibliography might underscore the need for such research in the near future. While we primarily focus on work from the American corpus, we include cross-national studies and perspectives which highlight that national context (i.e., role of the welfare state) shapes the ways in which parenthood matters for politics and policy. The authors thank Hayden Latimer-Ireland, Linda Wang, and Anja Parish for their help with the production of this manuscript.


Sains Insani ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Mohd Azmir Mohd Nizah ◽  
Muhammad Shamshinor Abdul Azzis ◽  
Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar ◽  
Hairol Anuar Mak Din

Comparative study on political attitudes between urban and rural communities has become a focus among scholars, especially after the results of 13th Malaysian general election. Nevertheless, studies on political attitude which focused on specific ethnic groups are still insufficient. This article aims to identify the political attitude of the urban Malays, especially in the context of political tolerance. This study discusses the political attitudes of urban Malays through quantitative research design which used questionnaire in three urban areas, namely, Johor Bahru, Shah Alam and Bukit Bendera. The findings summarized that Malay voters in urban areas are tolerant of political party’s differences and even an ethnicity is not a primary criteria of nominations in the elections. This study argues that urban Malays tend to tolerant of ethnic, religious or even liberal political party. Further analysis and recommendations are discussed.Keyword: ethnic tolerance, political tolerance, voting behaviour, modernization Abstrak: Kajian perbandingan mengenai sikap politik antara masyarakat urban dan luar bandar telah menjadi fokus dalam kalangan sarjana, terutama selepas keputusan pilihan raya umum ke 13.Namun begitu, literasi kajian mengenai sikap politik yang tertumpu pada etnik yang spesifik masih lagi kurang. Artikel ini berhasrat mengenalpasti sikap politik urban Melayu, terutamanya dalam konteks toleransi politik. Kajian ini membincangkan mengenai sikap politik urban Melayu melalui rekabentuk kajian kuantitatif dengan instrumen soalselidik di tiga kawasan urban iaitu Johor Bahru, Shah Alam dan Bukit Bendera. Dapatan kajian merumuskan bahawa pengundi Melayu di kawasan urban terbuka dalam menerima perbezaan parti politik malah ukuran etnik bukanlah kriteria terhadap pencalonan dalam pilihan raya. Kajian ini menghujahkan kecenderungan pola sokongan parti politik kumpulan urban Melayu juga bersifat longgar dengan melepasi sempadan parti bersifat agama, etnik mahupun liberal. Analisa lanjut dan cadangan dibincangkan dalam artikel ini.Kata kunci: toleransi etnik, toleransi politik, kelakuan pengundi, modenisasi


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melis G. Laebens ◽  
Aykut Öztürk

Although theories of partisanship were developed for the democratic context, partisanship can be important in electoral autocracies as well. We use survey data to analyze partisanship in an electoral autocracy, Turkey, and find that partisanship is pervasive, strong, and consequential. Using the Partisan Identity Scale to measure partisanship, we show that, like in democracies, partisanship strength is associated with political attitudes and action. Unlike in democracies, however, the ruling party’s superior ability to mobilize supporters through clientelistic linkages makes the association between partisanship and political action weaker for ruling party partisans. We find that partisan identities are tightly connected to the perception that other parties may threaten one’s well-being, and that such fears are widespread on both sides of the political divide. We interpret our findings in light of the autocratization process Turkey went through. Our contribution highlights the potential of integrating regime dynamics in studies of partisanship.


1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-148
Author(s):  
N. Hampson

There is a sense in which all naval history is general history, since the structure and preoccupations of a State influence both the services which it demands of its fleets and the type of naval organization appropriate to their performance. This relationship is most obvious in periods of social and political revolution when the navy, like other institutions, finds itself out of harmony with the principles of the new order. Such a situation arose in France in 1789 when the Constituent Assembly set about the transformation of so many aspects of French society. The study of naval politics in the period 1789–91 consequently helps towards a fuller understanding of the Revolution as a whole. The changes introduced into the French navy form a not unimportant part of the general reconstruction of France while the debates on naval policy often throw a revealing light on the political attitudes of the protagonists.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marsh

Political socialization research has been characterized by a number of poorly documented but widely accepted generalizations. In particular, it has been assumed that indetgenarational consistency in political attitudes is the usual, if not the inevitable, outcome of the political socialization process in Western democracies.


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