Sikap Politik Urban Melayu

Sains Insani ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Mohd Azmir Mohd Nizah ◽  
Muhammad Shamshinor Abdul Azzis ◽  
Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar ◽  
Hairol Anuar Mak Din
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Voting Behaviour

Comparative study on political attitudes between urban and rural communities has become a focus among scholars, especially after the results of 13th Malaysian general election. Nevertheless, studies on political attitude which focused on specific ethnic groups are still insufficient. This article aims to identify the political attitude of the urban Malays, especially in the context of political tolerance. This study discusses the political attitudes of urban Malays through quantitative research design which used questionnaire in three urban areas, namely, Johor Bahru, Shah Alam and Bukit Bendera. The findings summarized that Malay voters in urban areas are tolerant of political party’s differences and even an ethnicity is not a primary criteria of nominations in the elections. This study argues that urban Malays tend to tolerant of ethnic, religious or even liberal political party. Further analysis and recommendations are discussed.Keyword: ethnic tolerance, political tolerance, voting behaviour, modernization Abstrak: Kajian perbandingan mengenai sikap politik antara masyarakat urban dan luar bandar telah menjadi fokus dalam kalangan sarjana, terutama selepas keputusan pilihan raya umum ke 13.Namun begitu, literasi kajian mengenai sikap politik yang tertumpu pada etnik yang spesifik masih lagi kurang. Artikel ini berhasrat mengenalpasti sikap politik urban Melayu, terutamanya dalam konteks toleransi politik. Kajian ini membincangkan mengenai sikap politik urban Melayu melalui rekabentuk kajian kuantitatif dengan instrumen soalselidik di tiga kawasan urban iaitu Johor Bahru, Shah Alam dan Bukit Bendera. Dapatan kajian merumuskan bahawa pengundi Melayu di kawasan urban terbuka dalam menerima perbezaan parti politik malah ukuran etnik bukanlah kriteria terhadap pencalonan dalam pilihan raya. Kajian ini menghujahkan kecenderungan pola sokongan parti politik kumpulan urban Melayu juga bersifat longgar dengan melepasi sempadan parti bersifat agama, etnik mahupun liberal. Analisa lanjut dan cadangan dibincangkan dalam artikel ini.Kata kunci: toleransi etnik, toleransi politik, kelakuan pengundi, modenisasi

scholarly journals Electoral behaviour in the Kraków metropolitan area: 1993–2011

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (35) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Radosław Linkowski
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
The City

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to describe changes in support for the four principal political options (‘right’, ‘left’, ‘liberal’, ‘peasant’) available in the Kraków Metropolitan Area (KMA) in parliamentary elections in the period 1993–2011. The electoral behaviour of the residents of the various KMA zones became increasingly similar in the study period. The political ‘distance’ between the northern commuter zone of the KMA (part of the Russian partition in the 19th c.) and the rest of the KMA, decreased significantly. The suburban zone of Kraków also changed over the course of the study period by becoming significantly similar to the city in terms of voting behaviour. This political change was largely due to substantial social and economic changes in the rural parts of the metropolitan area. Urban areas in the KMA were much more stable in their voting patterns and tended to politically resemble one another much more than rural areas. The city of Kraków and the southern part of its commuter zone – part of the Austrian partition in the 19th c. – were characterized by fewer fluctuations in voting behaviour than the two remaining parts of the KMA.

Implications of Racial Identity

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Masuoka
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Racial Attitudes ◽  
Group Identity ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Racial Formation ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Attitude Development

This chapter compares the political attitudes of multiracial-identified individuals to those of whites, blacks, and Latinos. It begins by offering three different arguments that explain the political attitude development of multiracial individuals, which are labeled assimilation, racial formation, and group identity. The chapter compares attitudes of the four groups on measures of racial attitudes, partisanship, and public policies. The chapter also considers how multiracial attitudes might differ depending on the multiracial respondent’s racial combination (e.g., white-black vs. white-Asian) and assesses the extent to which there exists attitudinal variation within the multiracial population when accounting for multiracial respondents’ described racial combination.

Influencing factors of young university teachers’ political attitudes and value orientation based on ISM-fuzzy

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Yue Yang ◽  
Sanqing Ding
Keyword(s):  
Education Reform ◽  
Influencing Factors ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Fuzzy Theory ◽  
Value Orientation ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Teachers ◽  
Young Teachers

The political attitude and value orientation of young teachers in colleges and universities play an important role in running a socialist university with China’s characteristics, cultivating young people’s correct values and builders of socialism with China’s characteristics. To explore the influencing factors of young university teachers’ political attitudes and value orientation, by constructing the interpretive structure model (ISM) and fuzzy theory, seven major influencing factors were analyzed that affect the political attitude and value orientation of young teachers in colleges and universities, and a hierarchical structure between influencing factors was explained. As a basic basis, this study puts forward the countermeasures to improve the political quality of young teachers in colleges and universities, strengthen the propaganda and ideological work in universities, and promote the overall education reform.

scholarly journals Preferencje polityczne młodych Polaków w 2019 roku

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 323-340
Author(s):  
Adam Kądziela
Keyword(s):  
Social Group ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Nationwide Survey ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Opinion ◽  
Political Preferences

The article is the key to understanding the political attitudes and n of young Poles in the year in of elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish Parliament took place. The goal defined in such a way determined the choice of research method and technique in the spirit of the neopositivist paradigm, i.e. quantitative research. A nationwide survey conducted on September 5–23, 2019 allowed to determine socio-political preferences and attitudes of young Poles in 2019. The results showed a picture of a passive social group with unspecified views, having a negative opinion on political life and not interested in political life

Penerapan Undang Undang Otonomi Daerah No. 32 Tahun 2004 Jo Perda No. 7 Tahun 2006 di Waru Sidoarjo

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 214-240
Author(s):  
Ulul Azmi M.
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
The Law ◽  
Village Government ◽  
The Village

Abstract: This article is a field research on the application of the Regional Autonomy Law No. 32 year 2004, jo PERDA (Regional Regulation) No. 7 year 2006 about the local government in Waru-Sidoarjo. The research was conducted by interviewing some people from four villages, namely Ngingas, Kepuh Kiriman, Tambak Oso, and Tambak Rejo. The research concludes that the community of the four villages had been carrying out the mandate of the Regional Autonomy Law No. 32 year 2004, jo PERDA (Regional Regulation) No. 7 year 2006. However, the compliance in carrying out the law is not based on their legal awareness. It is because there are some laws that are considered as discrimination and murder of the rights of individuals, including the prohibition of the village government to take charge of the political party (consulting / comparative study) ". It can, of course, kill the principles of human rights and democracy, whereas the legislation itself gives respect to the principles of democracy and human rights. The principles to be considered in formulating constitution is the guarantee of human rights of each member of society and the equality of all people before the law without any distinctions of social statification.Keywords: Implementation, regional autonomy law, Waru

scholarly journals Presidential system in Turkey and the influence of the migration on the political attitudes and behaviour of the individuals: Mersin case studyTürkiye’de Cumhurbaşkanlığı hükümet sistemi temelinde göçün bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışları üzerindeki etkisi: Mersin örneği

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Ali Arslan ◽  
Gülten Arslan
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
English Summary ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
City Center ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Research Techniques ◽  
Presidential System

The major objective of this study is to examine and discuss the Presidential System in Turkey and the transformative influence of the migration on the political attitudes and behaviour of the individuals. Mersin is one of the most important city of the Mediterranean Region of Turkey and takes migration from the most part of the Turkey. Mersin city center selected as the sampling group. Mersin is a metropolitan city of Turkey It has been taking huge migration especially from the East and the South East Anatolian regions. The proportion of migrants has been reached about seventy per cent of the population of Mersin city. According to the Official data of TSI of 2018, about 1.793.931 people were living in the 2017 in the province of Mersin.Multiple research techniques are used to realise the aim. Main data were gathered from the field. A rather comprehensive field research with more than 1000 individuals were realised about Presidential System in Mersin city center in 2017. Observation, historical and documentary research techniques were used too.Developments in the fields of science, technology and especially information technology have led to profound changes in social, cultural, economic and political life. All this happened in Turkey's political structure and system has made it mandatory changes and transformations. Consequently Turkey left the parliamentary system of government that ruled for nearly a century, it has decided to pass the presidential system of government in 2018.Findings reveal that this transition process gives different responses to different segments of the society. Similar situation is observed in Mersin province. Relatively, those living in more homogeneous rural areas support this system change at a higher rate; living in urban areas that have been heavily immigrated have been in much lower levels of support for this process. Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file.  ÖzetBu çalışmada, Türkiye’de Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi ve Türkiye’nin bu sisteme geçiş sürecinde göçün, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışları üzerindeki etkisi incelendi. Araştırma da örneklem olarak Mersin şehir merkezi seçildi. Doğu Akdeniz Havzası’nın en önemli yerleşim birimlerinden biri olan Mersin’de, 2018 yılı TÜİK ADNKS verilerine göre, 2017 yılı itibarıyla 1.793.931 kişi yaşamaktadır. İl nüfusunun 898.557’sini kadınlar, 895.374’ünü de erkekler oluşturmaktadır. Mersin, son yıllarda aldığı yoğun göç ile dikkat çeken bir metropol kent konumundadır. Özellikle Doğu Anadolu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgelerinden yoğun göç alan Mersin’in kent merkezinde göç ile gelenlerin oranı yüzde 70’leri bulmuştur.Çalışmada çoklu araştırma teknikleri kullanıldı. Araştırmada temel veri kaynağı olarak 2017 yılında Mersin’de, yaklaşık 1000 kişi ile bireylerin Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemine yönelik beklenti, tutum ve davranışlarını ortaya koymak maksadıyla gerçekleştirilen saha araştırmasından elde edilen verilerden yararlanıldı. Buna ilaveten çalışmada, gözlem ve tarihsel doküman araştırması tekniklerinden de faydalanıldı.Bilim, teknoloji ve özellikle de bilişim teknolojileri alanında yaşanan gelişmeler toplumsal, kültürel, ekonomik ve siyasal hayatta son derece önemli değişimlere sebep olmuştur. Bütün bu yaşananlar, Türkiye’nin siyasal yapı ve sisteminde de değişim ve dönüşümleri zorunlu hale getirmiştir. Bunların neticesinde Türkiye, 2018 yılında, yaklaşık bir asırdır yönetildiği parlamenter hükümet sistemi bırakıp, Cumhurbaşkanlığı hükümet sistemine geçme kararı almıştır.Bulgular, bu geçiş sürecine toplumun farklık kesimleri, farklı tepkiler verdiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Mersin ili özelinde de benzer durum gözlemlenir. Göreceli olarak, daha homojen özellik arz eden kırsal kesimler de yaşayanlar bu sistem değişikliğini daha yüksek oranda desteklerken; yoğun göç almış kentsel alanlarda yaşayanların bu sürece desteği çok daha düşük seviyelerde olmuştur.

Cleavages and political pluralism in the small municipality in Czech Republic

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Sylvie Kobzev Kotaskova
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Rural Communities ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Small Municipality ◽  
The Given

This paper deals with the issue of the existence cleavages in rural communities in the Czech Republic. The paper is focused on an analysis of the party system in small municipality Kamenna and the pluralism and the political environment in the municipality of Kamenna. This paper aims to clarify the formation of cleavage in the given municipality. A partial aim is to analyse the voting behaviour in the municipality, as well as a subsequent evaluation of the political participation of the residents of the Kamenna municipality. In the analysis of voting behaviour, the paper focuses on analysing the dispersion of electoral votes and subsequent evaluation of how voters vote. Keywords: Pluralism, Municipality, Cleavages, Political Process, Municipal Elections

scholarly journals The Central Bank Governor and Interest Rate Setting by Committee

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile van Ommeren ◽  
Giulia Piccillo
Keyword(s):  
Interest Rate ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Jel Codes ◽  
Central Bank Governor ◽  
Committee Voting

Abstract This article studies the role of central bank governors in monetary policy decisions taken by a committee. To carry out this analysis, we constructed a novel dataset of committee voting behaviour for six OECD countries for up to three decades. Using a range of Taylor rule specifications, we show that a change in governor significantly affects interest rate setting. We also observe systematic differences in interest rate rules based on the political party appointing the governor, with more inflation-averse policies under governors that are appointed by a right-wing political authority. We show the robustness of this result by using a wider dataset (including over 3000 observations from 12 countries). (JEL codes: E02, E5, P16)

scholarly journals DASAR NEGARA DAN TAQIYYAH POLITIK PKS

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Abu Rokhmad
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Relationship

<p class="IIABSBARU">This article studied about the relationship between Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS/the Prosperous Justice Party) and Pancasila as the state’s philosophy. PKS didn’t have the experience of the struggle of Indonesian independence and the difficult period of the Pancasila formulation. PKS was born after Pancasila convinced as the national agreement. The political attitude of PKS to Pancasila as the state’s philosophy is still indistinct. PKS viewed as political party that hide their truly intent: between receiving Pancasila and implementing islamic shari’ah. The aspiration of implementing islamic shari’ah has been concealing in vision and mission as well as in the heart of PKS’s cadres. The aspiration will be done by peaceful and constitutional ways.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" dir="RTL" align="center">***</p>Artikel ini mengkaji relasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dengan Pancasila sebagai dasar negara. PKS tidak mengalami perjuangan meraih kemerdekaan dan masa-masa sulit perumusan Pancasila. PKS lahir setelah Pancasila diyakini sebagai perjanjian suci kebangsaan. Sikap PKS terhadap Pancasila sebagai dasar negara masih mengambang. Ia dipandang menyembunyikan maksud hati yang sebenarnya: antara menerima Pancasila atau menegakkan syariat Islam. Cita-cita menegakkan syariat Islam tersimpan dalam visi, misi dan hati para kader PKS, yang akan dilakukan secara damai dan konstitusional.

scholarly journals PERFORMANCE OF UMNO AND PARTI AMANAH NEGARA (AMANAH) IN THE GE-14 AND POST GE-14

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 30-58
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Deputy Minister

The 14th General Election, 2018 (GE-14, 2018) has taken place and is finished with calm and full of surprises. For the first time, the Barisan Nasional (BN), which was promoted by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), has lost its main opposition party, namely Pakatan Harapan (PH) using the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) logo along with the Parti Warisan Sabah (WARISAN). Thus, BN/UMNO also failed to defend its power after 63 years of mastering the rule of the Federal Government. The atmosphere of euphoria or the feeling of excitement among the people in this country is the result of the GE13 2018 demands for the necessity of a new Federal Government regime that is different from the previous BN government rule. The new atmosphere is also called ‘New Malaysia’. The results of the 2018 General Election can be highlighted in the performance of political parties competing in the GE. In the context of this article, UMNO and AMANAH were chosen to analyze the performance of the political party in the 2018 General Election because of UMNO’s status as an old political party (founded in 1946) while AMANAH is a newly formed political party in 2015 which is a PAS splinter party. It is important to see the old party's performance experienced in the political and governance (UMNO); and realistic, professional, progressive, and dynamic new party (AMANAH) formed as a result of the original party (PAS) was not suitable for mixed ethnicity in this country and seen as a conservative party. The writing of this paper uses primary data (the result of GE2018) and secondary data processing (information from published sources) that are critically and rationally analyzed and based on current ‘real politics’ in the country. The findings show that although UMNO as a spear in BN has lost federal and state levels the political party still retains control over the majority of Malay ethnic voters in rural areas. UMNO managed to dominate Pahang and Perlis State Governments in addition to being the majority opposition in parliament. AMANAH, however despite not contesting many parliamentary and state seats resulting from the distribution of election seats among the parties in PH but still managed to win seats in urban and semi-urban areas composed of mixed ethnic groups. People's representative from AMANAH also managed to oversee the post of the Chief Minister in the State of Malacca besides receiving the post of EXCO in several State Governments as well as the post of Minister and Deputy Minister at the Federal level. After the PRU 2018, it appears that there are some scenarios in the current issue that involve the continuity of UMNO and AMANAH politics which may affect the direction of the two parties towards the next general election.

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