Influencing factors of young university teachers’ political attitudes and value orientation based on ISM-fuzzy

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Yue Yang ◽  
Sanqing Ding
Keyword(s):  
Education Reform ◽  
Influencing Factors ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Fuzzy Theory ◽  
Value Orientation ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Teachers ◽  
Young Teachers

The political attitude and value orientation of young teachers in colleges and universities play an important role in running a socialist university with China’s characteristics, cultivating young people’s correct values and builders of socialism with China’s characteristics. To explore the influencing factors of young university teachers’ political attitudes and value orientation, by constructing the interpretive structure model (ISM) and fuzzy theory, seven major influencing factors were analyzed that affect the political attitude and value orientation of young teachers in colleges and universities, and a hierarchical structure between influencing factors was explained. As a basic basis, this study puts forward the countermeasures to improve the political quality of young teachers in colleges and universities, strengthen the propaganda and ideological work in universities, and promote the overall education reform.

Implications of Racial Identity

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Masuoka
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Racial Attitudes ◽  
Group Identity ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Racial Formation ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Attitude Development

This chapter compares the political attitudes of multiracial-identified individuals to those of whites, blacks, and Latinos. It begins by offering three different arguments that explain the political attitude development of multiracial individuals, which are labeled assimilation, racial formation, and group identity. The chapter compares attitudes of the four groups on measures of racial attitudes, partisanship, and public policies. The chapter also considers how multiracial attitudes might differ depending on the multiracial respondent’s racial combination (e.g., white-black vs. white-Asian) and assesses the extent to which there exists attitudinal variation within the multiracial population when accounting for multiracial respondents’ described racial combination.

Sikap Politik Urban Melayu

Sains Insani ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Mohd Azmir Mohd Nizah ◽  
Muhammad Shamshinor Abdul Azzis ◽  
Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar ◽  
Hairol Anuar Mak Din
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Voting Behaviour

Comparative study on political attitudes between urban and rural communities has become a focus among scholars, especially after the results of 13th Malaysian general election. Nevertheless, studies on political attitude which focused on specific ethnic groups are still insufficient. This article aims to identify the political attitude of the urban Malays, especially in the context of political tolerance. This study discusses the political attitudes of urban Malays through quantitative research design which used questionnaire in three urban areas, namely, Johor Bahru, Shah Alam and Bukit Bendera. The findings summarized that Malay voters in urban areas are tolerant of political party’s differences and even an ethnicity is not a primary criteria of nominations in the elections. This study argues that urban Malays tend to tolerant of ethnic, religious or even liberal political party. Further analysis and recommendations are discussed.Keyword: ethnic tolerance, political tolerance, voting behaviour, modernization Abstrak: Kajian perbandingan mengenai sikap politik antara masyarakat urban dan luar bandar telah menjadi fokus dalam kalangan sarjana, terutama selepas keputusan pilihan raya umum ke 13.Namun begitu, literasi kajian mengenai sikap politik yang tertumpu pada etnik yang spesifik masih lagi kurang. Artikel ini berhasrat mengenalpasti sikap politik urban Melayu, terutamanya dalam konteks toleransi politik. Kajian ini membincangkan mengenai sikap politik urban Melayu melalui rekabentuk kajian kuantitatif dengan instrumen soalselidik di tiga kawasan urban iaitu Johor Bahru, Shah Alam dan Bukit Bendera. Dapatan kajian merumuskan bahawa pengundi Melayu di kawasan urban terbuka dalam menerima perbezaan parti politik malah ukuran etnik bukanlah kriteria terhadap pencalonan dalam pilihan raya. Kajian ini menghujahkan kecenderungan pola sokongan parti politik kumpulan urban Melayu juga bersifat longgar dengan melepasi sempadan parti bersifat agama, etnik mahupun liberal. Analisa lanjut dan cadangan dibincangkan dalam artikel ini.Kata kunci: toleransi etnik, toleransi politik, kelakuan pengundi, modenisasi

Winning the Argument and Moving the Fight: The Legacy of a Grassroots Humanitarian

Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Mary Coleman
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
United States ◽  
Winning Strategy ◽  
Supreme Court Decision ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Trade Offs

The author of this article argues that the two-decades-long litigation struggle was necessary to push the political actors in Mississippi into a more virtuous than vicious legal/political negotiation. The second and related argument, however, is that neither the 1992 United States Supreme Court decision in Fordice nor the negotiation provided an adequate riposte to plaintiffs’ claims. The author shows that their chief counsel for the first phase of the litigation wanted equality of opportunity for historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), as did the plaintiffs. In the course of explicating the role of a legal grass-roots humanitarian, Coleman suggests lessons learned and trade-offs from that case/negotiation, describing the tradeoffs as part of the political vestiges of legal racism in black public higher education and the need to move HBCUs to a higher level of opportunity at a critical juncture in the life of tuition-dependent colleges and universities in the United States. Throughout the essay the following questions pose themselves: In thinking about the Road to Fordice and to political settlement, would the Justice Department lawyers and the plaintiffs’ lawyers connect at the point of their shared strength? Would the timing of the settlement benefit the plaintiffs and/or the State? Could plaintiffs’ lawyers hold together for the length of the case and move each piece of the case forward in a winning strategy? Who were plaintiffs’ opponents and what was their strategy? With these questions in mind, the author offers an analysis of how the campaign— political/legal arguments and political/legal remedies to remove the vestiges of de jure segregation in higher education—unfolded in Mississippi, with special emphasis on the initiating lawyer in Ayers v. Waller and Fordice, Isaiah Madison

Partisanship and Autocratization: Polarization, Power Asymmetry, and Partisan Social Identities in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melis G. Laebens ◽  
Aykut Öztürk
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Asymmetry ◽  
Partisan Identity ◽  
Political Divide ◽  
Ruling Party

Although theories of partisanship were developed for the democratic context, partisanship can be important in electoral autocracies as well. We use survey data to analyze partisanship in an electoral autocracy, Turkey, and find that partisanship is pervasive, strong, and consequential. Using the Partisan Identity Scale to measure partisanship, we show that, like in democracies, partisanship strength is associated with political attitudes and action. Unlike in democracies, however, the ruling party’s superior ability to mobilize supporters through clientelistic linkages makes the association between partisanship and political action weaker for ruling party partisans. We find that partisan identities are tightly connected to the perception that other parties may threaten one’s well-being, and that such fears are widespread on both sides of the political divide. We interpret our findings in light of the autocratization process Turkey went through. Our contribution highlights the potential of integrating regime dynamics in studies of partisanship.

II. The ‘Comité, De Marine’ Of The Constituent Assembly

1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-148
Author(s):  
N. Hampson
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
French Society ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Naval History ◽  
Naval Policy ◽  
The Revolution

There is a sense in which all naval history is general history, since the structure and preoccupations of a State influence both the services which it demands of its fleets and the type of naval organization appropriate to their performance. This relationship is most obvious in periods of social and political revolution when the navy, like other institutions, finds itself out of harmony with the principles of the new order. Such a situation arose in France in 1789 when the Constituent Assembly set about the transformation of so many aspects of French society. The study of naval politics in the period 1789–91 consequently helps towards a fuller understanding of the Revolution as a whole. The changes introduced into the French navy form a not unimportant part of the general reconstruction of France while the debates on naval policy often throw a revealing light on the political attitudes of the protagonists.

Political Socialization and Intergenerational Stability in Political Attitudes

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marsh
Keyword(s):  
Political Socialization ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socialization Process ◽  
Western Democracies

Political socialization research has been characterized by a number of poorly documented but widely accepted generalizations. In particular, it has been assumed that indetgenarational consistency in political attitudes is the usual, if not the inevitable, outcome of the political socialization process in Western democracies.

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