Justice

2019 ◽  
pp. 182-206
Author(s):  
Paul Thagard

The crucial bridge between observations and values in the study of justice is vital needs, which must be satisfied if people are going to function as human beings. A just society meets both the biological needs of all its members for water, food, shelter, and health care and the psychological needs for relatedness, competence, and autonomy. Justice does not require complete equality of wealth, income, or preference satisfaction, as long as people are equal in having their vital needs satisfied. The needs-sufficiency view of social justice has strong implications for establishing political and legal justice, including taking into account the needs of future generations. To contribute to social justice, the political system in a country needs to support the population’s vital needs. Democracy is the best available system for accomplishing this support.

Author(s):  
ASYRAF HJ. AB. RAHMAN

This paper discusses the nature of social justice as enunciated by Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian prominent scholar in the 1960s. Failure of the political system, economic disparity, coupled with the British interference in many aspects of Egyptian socio-political life led to the so called ‘Egyptian disillusionment’ with the existing problems facing their country. Qutb’s notion of social justice is all embracing; spiritual and material life, and is not merely limited to economic justice. Together with other Egyptian intellectuals like Najib Mahfuz, Muhammad al-Ghazali, and Imad al-Din Abd al-Hamid, Sayyid Qutb managed to propose some alternative solutions in the form of writings including that of books and journal articles. Some major issues discussed in Sayyid Qutb’s works:’al-Adalah al-Ijtimaiiyah fil Islam, Ma’rakat al-Islam wal Ra’samaliyyah and his article al-Fikr al-Jadid, will then be analyzed as to see their importance in articulating some social solutions in a practical and realistic manner, in true accord both with the spirit of Islam and the contemporary human situation.  


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 235-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Galston

Abstract:Political theory is not a purely theoretical enterprise; it is intended to be practical and action-guiding. To perform this role, the requirements of political theory must be possible, and the standard of possibility it employs must be appropriate to the political domain. Because human beings vary in their capacity for morality and justice, a reasonably just society, as Rawls understands it, must not be expected. Despite his concerns to the contrary, the possibility of a just polity is not needed to ward off resignation and cynicism. There is a principled path between a politics of complacency that thwarts feasible progress and a politics of utopian aspiration that ends by inflicting harm in the name of doing good.


1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 1059-1077 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas L. Pangle

This paper explains Plato's conception of the relation between politics and “political religion” (ideology) in a nonliberal participatory republican system. The discussion is in the form of a commentary on the drama of a part of Plato's Laws. The underlying methodological assumption is that Plato presented his political teaching not so much through the speeches as through the drama of the dialogue, and that he held this to be the most appropriate form for political science because in this way political science can most effectively stimulate thought about its subject matter, the psyche involved in social action.Following Plato, we focus first on the psychological needs such a political system generates and attempts to satisfy through civil religion. We then move to a consideration of how political “theology” serves to mediate between science and society, or the philosopher and the city.The essay is intended to contribute to the Montesquieuian project engaging the attention of more and more political theorists: the endeavor to help contemporary political science and psychology escape from the trammeling parochialism of exclusive attention to twentieth century theoretical categories and empirical experiences.


Author(s):  
Sheldon S. Wolin

Tocqueville claimed that American democracy had eliminated the causes of revolution. He believed that the revolutionary impulse would wither because for the first time in Western history the masses of ordinary human beings had a tangible stake in defending the status quo. This chapter, however, asks, is it right for the democratic citizen to undertake revolutionary action when the political system retains some of the formal features of democracy but is clearly embarked on a course that is progressively antidemocratic without being crudely repressive? What are the precise ways in which a system that is formally democratic conceals its antidemocratic tendencies? Are pseudo-democratic substitutes introduced that create the illusion of democracy? Was the idea of a democratic citizen partially skewed at the outset so that its development in America was truncated? And, finally, does it make sense even to discuss the possibility of revolution under the circumstances of an advanced, complex society? In what terms would it make sense to talk of revolution today—what would revolutionary action by democratic citizens be?


1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celso Lafer

IN 1964 THE BRAZILIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM UNDERWENT A basic change. The populist republic (1946–64), which had paved the way for both a formal and an informal extension of political and economic franchises, after the success of Kubitschek's administration (1956–61) and Quadros's resignation (1961), collapsed as a result of decisional paralysis. The economic challen e of accumulation and the political challenge of social justice led, in the early 1960s during the Goulart administration, both to a fragmentation of power and to radicalization. The more demands multiplied, the more the government hesitated, feeding the anxiety of different political grou s in society. The result was a growing distrust of the politicafsystem. Distrust in turn not only prevented a coalition in support of a consistent governmental programme but also brought about an intensification of conflictual demands. This self-sustaining mechanism of decisional paralysis was interrupted by the emergence of what has been called by Juan Linz and Guuermo O'Donnell ‘a bureaucratic-authoritarian regime’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-38
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Samarin ◽  

This article examines the role of popular culture products as a factor in changing the concept of patriotism in the United States. The discourse of patriotism is formed through a “sum” of images including an assessment of the political system, values and national history. According to American sociologist Jeffrey Alexander, “gaining power depends on the outcome of struggles for symbolic domination in the civil sphere”. The exacerbation in the last decade of problems related to race, gender and social justice led to a split in society and created the demand for a critical revision of the history of the United States, and as result the revision of the concept of patriotism. Nowadays, more and more graphic novels and media-shows based on patriotism are focusing on issues of social justice, and play an important role in the “culture wars” in the United States. An example of this is the popular series “Watchmen”, which has received various influential awards. Through the plot about superheroes, its authors construct a new narrative of civic patriotism. This narrative assumes that the racial issue has been a key factor in US history and that the country was founded on the principles of intolerance and oppression. In addition, it is suggested that the political system, in turn, is only formally democratic and the founding fathers created a state that is prone to authoritarianism and suppression, regardless of which political party is in power. Therefore, radical reforms are required for the United States to become a truly democratic and inclusive country.


Author(s):  
Hussam Mamdouh Khero

The research in our hands seeks to reveal the reality of human rights in Egypt after the January 2011 revolution and has the revolution succeeded in achieving its slogans of (living, freedom, and social justice) as it succeeded in removing former President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak? The research also seeks to solve the problem related to the Egyptian human rights, which links the security of the Egyptian citizen and his rights, as the researcher assumes that the political system that forms on the ruins of Mubarak’s rule put the Egyptian citizen between these two options without the right to enjoy both, so long as security is weak, there is no room to talk about human rights . The researcher has relied on the reports of Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch as two international non-governmental organizations specializing in human rights and they have experience in this file the big thing, so we examined their reports for the years after the January revolution in study and analysis in our endeavor to prove the hypothesis that the researcher started and which we explained above.


1968 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marvin Rintala

EVERY POLITICAL SYSTEM, WHETHER IT IS PREDEMOCRATIC, DEMOcratic, or postdemocratic totalitarian, has both leaders and followers. All those who are leaders – in other words, all those who exercise power over followers – can be grouped together under the category of the ruling class. Any ruling class, to be such, obviously must be accepted by those who are ruled. Human beings are followers only if they choose to follow. Leaders must have recognition and at least some degree of consent from followers to be leaders. This is the necessary condition for possession of power by the ruling class. If the ruling class does not provide those elements which are necessary for the survival of the political system, both its power and that system are in peril. In return for the security which it provides its followers, the ruling class gives the tone to politics. It does not, however, have to occupy the actual administrative posts to be the ruling class, but it must possess a prestige position.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Feltrin

This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.


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