Reintegrating Cuba into the Global Economy

2019 ◽  
pp. 241-276
Author(s):  
Larry Catá Backer
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
Global Changes ◽  
Cooperation Agreement ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
The World ◽  
The U.S

This chapter seeks to answer the question: What internal Cuban legal adjustments are necessary for Cuba to enter into a fully normalized relationship with the United States. and the rest of the world? The chapter first focuses on the adjustments Cuba might have to undertake if it is to embed itself within the structures of global trade and finance. Next, the chapter examines the extent to which Cuba is disposed to consider these possible reforms. Third, it examines what may be possible in the aftermath of the U.S. presidential election of 2016 (and its aftermath) and other global changes, including the emergence of a Chinese alternative to national embedding in global trade. These have considerably changed the terrain within with the consequences of U.S.-Cuba normalization can be considered. The examination considers the value of the European Union’s strategic initiative, the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA), as a viable basis for Cuban reintegration in the global economy.

28. Global trade and global finance

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Watson
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Global Finance ◽  
Occupy Movement ◽  
Transatlantic Trade ◽  
The World ◽  
Trade And Investment ◽  
Global Economic Governance

This chapter explores important issues in the conduct of global trade and global finance. It asks why the global economy is so good at allowing some people to own untold riches while many others have too little money to meet basic subsistence needs, and whether the world would be better or worse off without the institutions of global economic governance. After discussing the globalization of trade and finance, the chapter considers the regulation of global trade and global finance. Two case studies are presented, one dealing with comparative advantage theory in historical perspective and the other with the Occupy movement. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that addresses the question of whether the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the United States and the European Union will provide enhanced opportunities for economic development around the world in a way that the World Trade Organization system now cannot.

scholarly journals Global Fiscal Consolidation

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Warwick J. McKibbin ◽  
Andrew B. Stoeckel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fiscal Consolidation ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Fiscal Adjustment ◽  
The World ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Domestic Economies ◽  
The U.S

The buildup in government debt in response to the “great recession,” has raised a number of policy dilemmas for individual countries as well as the world as a whole. The recent need for a change of fiscal policy stance has fuelled debates about the impact of fiscal consolidation on domestic economies that are tightening, the flow-on effects to the world economy, and also about how much tightening there should be and how quickly it should happen. This paper explores these issues in a global framework focusing on the national and global consequences of coordinated fiscal consolidation. It explores the implications this fiscal adjustment might have on country risk premia and what happens if all countries coordinate their fiscal adjustment except the United States. A coordinated fiscal consolidation in the industrial world that is not accompanied by U.S. actions is likely to lead to a substantial worsening of trade imbalances globally as the release of capital in fiscally contracting economies flows into the U.S. economy, appreciates the U.S. dollar, and worsens the current account position of the United States. The scale of this change is likely to be sufficient to substantially increase the probability of a trade war between the United States and other economies. To avoid this outcome, a coordinated fiscal adjustment is clearly in the interest of the global economy.

scholarly journals The Role Of China And The United States In The Global Economy Of The 21st Century

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Prasad Padmanabhan ◽  
San Sedki
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Recent Attempt ◽  
China And India ◽  
Consumer Prices ◽  
The World ◽  
General Feeling ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
India And China ◽  
The U.S

The world is characterized by brutal global competition. When talking about competition during much of the 80s and 90s, we generally refer to the triage of Western European, Japanese, and U.S. firms. Today, we have to add firms from Brazil, Chile, China, and India to this elite bunch. This competition is good for the consumer -- prices of manufactured goods have been kept in check, and there is a general feeling of economic prosperity around the world. According to a recent article in The Economist global output has grown by over 4.3 % annually. The growing middle class in India and China has recorded the sharpest increase in the number of billionaires in the last decade; therefore the world has every reason to feel optimistically euphoric, even if China and India will reap a bigger share of the economic pie. In the words of Drucker, India and China are rapidly transforming their economiesthey can now produce technologically sophisticated and financially rewarding offerings that are diminishing American standards. (Drucker, 2004) The concern with the advent of China has prompted more protectionist oriented legislation against China: textiles. The U.S. Congress also blocked a recent attempt by Chinas China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) to acquire Chevron. A recent Harris Poll indicated that 40% of the people surveyed believe that China will be stronger than the U.S. within a decade, and over 50% believe that China will have a negative effect on the U.S. economy.

The Illusion of a Post-Racialised World

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-21
Author(s):  
Isaiah Aduojo Negedu ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States Of America ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Racial Diversity ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Racial Conflict ◽  
European Americans ◽  
The World ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The U.S

The presidential election of 2007 that sworn in Barack Obama as president of the United States of America heightened the idea that rightly, or wrongly, suggests the world (at least the U.S.) has become post-racialised. I will explain how the notion of post-raciality is a distraction to the demands of racial diversity in the twenty-first century. I use the conversational thinking as an alternative method to show how the possibility of both nuances in the form of racial conflict/diversity can subsist. The difference I envisage is that between highly melanated Africans and European Americans. Here, I argue that dialogue is still the most preferred option in racial conflict. However, the dialogue I propose is not a promise akin to the post-racialised, but a relationship that can exist in the midst of conflict, while at the same time acknowledging difference.

scholarly journals Internationalization in U.S. universities: history, philosophy, practice, and future

Educação ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Marilia Morosini ◽  
Patricia Somers ◽  
Arinda Rodriguez ◽  
Janet Solis Rodriguez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
Political Realities

In response to the global economy, universities around the world have increased internationalization efforts. This article focuses on internationalization in U. S. universities, discussing the history, presenting models and examples, reviewing the extent of internationalization on U.S. campuses. We end with a discussion on the rationales, the political realities of the new nationalism, the competition among Western universities for rankings that emphasizes high-profile internationalization, the current political questions affecting internationalization and the future of the field. While our focus is on the United States, many of the concepts and theories we discuss apply to other countries as well. ***Internacionalização em universidades dos EUA: história, filosofia, prática e futuro***Como resposta à economia global, as universidades ao redor do mundo vêm incrementando seus esforços para se internacionalizaram. Este artigo tem como foco a internacionalização de universidades dos Estados Unidos discutindo a história, apresentando modelos e exemplos e examinando a presença da internacionalização no campus americano. Concluímos com a discussão sobre as racionalidades, as realidades políticas do novo nacionalismo, as argumentações acadêmicas contra as universidades do ocidente que enfatizam os altos perfis internacionais, as atuais questões políticas que afetam a internacionalização e o futuro do campo. Apesar do foco deste trabalho ser os Estados Unidos, muito dos conceitos e teorias discutidas podem ser aplicados para outros países.

THE INFLUENCE OF SCOTTISH ACCOUNTANTS IN THE UNITED STATES: THE EARLY CASE OF THE SOCIETY OF ACCOUNTANTS IN EDINBURGH

1997 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. A. LEE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
General Theory ◽  
Research Program ◽  
The United States ◽  
The World ◽  
Early Case ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Chartered Accountants ◽  
The U.S

This study represents part of a long-term research program to investigate the influence of U.K. accountants on the development of professional accountancy in other parts of the world. It examines the impact of a small group of Scottish chartered accountants who emigrated to the U.S. in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Set against a general theory of emigration, the study's main results reveal the significant involvement of this group in the founding and development of U.S. accountancy. The influence is predominantly with respect to public accountancy and its main institutional organizations. Several of the individuals achieved considerable eminence in U.S. public accountancy.

scholarly journals A Data-Driven Framework for Coding the Intent and Extent of Political Tweeting, Disinformation, and Extremism

Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Mahdi Hashemi
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Online Social Networks ◽  
Data Driven ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The U.S

Disinformation campaigns on online social networks (OSNs) in recent years have underscored democracy’s vulnerability to such operations and the importance of identifying such operations and dissecting their methods, intents, and source. This paper is another milestone in a line of research on political disinformation, propaganda, and extremism on OSNs. A total of 40,000 original Tweets (not re-Tweets or Replies) related to the U.S. 2020 presidential election are collected. The intent, focus, and political affiliation of these political Tweets are determined through multiple discussions and revisions. There are three political affiliations: rightist, leftist, and neutral. A total of 171 different classes of intent or focus are defined for Tweets. A total of 25% of Tweets were left out while defining these classes of intent. The purpose is to assure that the defined classes would be able to cover the intent and focus of unseen Tweets (Tweets that were not used to determine and define these classes) and no new classes would be required. This paper provides these classes, their definition and size, and example Tweets from them. If any information is included in a Tweet, its factuality is verified through valid news sources and articles. If any opinion is included in a Tweet, it is determined that whether or not it is extreme, through multiple discussions and revisions. This paper provides analytics with regard to the political affiliation and intent of Tweets. The results show that disinformation and extreme opinions are more common among rightists Tweets than leftist Tweets. Additionally, Coronavirus pandemic is the topic of almost half of the Tweets, where 25.43% of Tweets express their unhappiness with how Republicans have handled this pandemic.

scholarly journals The Global Domain of the Dollar: Eight Questions

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-429
Author(s):  
Robert N. McCauley
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Balance Sheet ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fiscal Deficits ◽  
Exorbitant Privilege ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Dollar Debt ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Since the late 1950s, the rest of the world has come to use the dollar to an extent that justifies speaking of the dollar’s global domain. The rest of the world denominates much debt in U.S. dollars, extending U.S. monetary policy’s sway. In addition, in outstanding foreign exchange deals, the rest of the world has undertaken to pay still more in U.S. dollars: off-balance-sheet dollar debts buried in footnotes. Consistent with the scale of dollar debt, most of the world economic activity takes place in countries with currencies tied to or relatively stable against the dollar, forming a dollar zone much larger than the euro zone. Even though the dollar assets of the world (minus the United States) exceed dollar liabilities, corporate sector dollar debts seem to make dollar appreciation akin to a global tightening of credit. Since the 1960s, claims that the dollar’s global role suffers from instability and confers great benefits on the U.S. economy have attracted much support. However, evidence that demand for dollars from official reserve managers forces unsustainable U.S. current account or fiscal deficits is not strong. The so-called exorbitant privilege is small or shared. In 2008 and again in 2020, the Federal Reserve demonstrated a willingness and capacity to backstop the global domain of the dollar. Politics could constrain the Fed’s ability to backstop the growing share of the domain of the dollar accounted for by countries that are not on such friendly terms with the U.S.

Histoire du mot «démocratie» au Canada et au Québec. Analyse politique des stratégies rhétoriques

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Le Canada

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.

Accepting Regional Zero: Nuclear Weapon Free Zones, U.S. Nonproliferation Policy and Global Security, 1957–1968

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Stocker
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽  
Nuclear Strategy ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

Nuclear weapon free zones (NWFZs) were an important development in the history of nuclear nonproliferation efforts. From 1957 through 1968, when the Treaty of Tlatelolco was signed, the United States struggled to develop a policy toward NWFZs in response to efforts around the world to create these zones, including in Europe, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Many within the U.S. government initially rejected the idea of NWFZs, viewing them as a threat to U.S. nuclear strategy. However, over time, a preponderance of officials came to see the zones as advantageous, at least in certain areas of the world, particularly Latin America. Still, U.S. policy pertaining to this issue remained conservative and reactive, reflecting the generally higher priority given to security policy than to nuclear nonproliferation.

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