Foreign Policy Begins at Home

Author(s):  
Michaela Hoenicke Moore

This chapter focuses on ordinary Americans, central figures in a foreign policy conditioned by democratic politics and popular opinion. It offers another look at World War II and its legacies with a view to broader societal debates about America's role in the world, highlighting the tension between grand strategy and democracy. Ordinary citizens were part of these debates to a much greater extent than is generally acknowledged. Apart from opinion and election polls, citizen voices have often been shunned by politicians and scholars, who have dismissed them as ineffective and marginal, deplored them as racist or sectarian, and criticized them as isolationist or detrimental to American strategic interests. Attending to what citizens had to say about their country's international role, especially over the course of the transformative 1940s, brings unsettling questions into clearer focus: what purpose and whose interests do grand visions of foreign policy serve?

Author(s):  
E. Komkova

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.


Worldview ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Donald Brandon

For a generation now, America has played a significant role in world affairs. Until Pearl Harbor a reluctant belligerent in World War II, this country was also slow to respond to the challenge of the Soviet Union in the immediate aftermath of that gigantic conflict. But for almost twenty-five years American Presidents have been more or less guided by the policy of “containment.” Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson all introduced variations on the multiple themes of the policy adopted by Harry Truman. Yet each concluded that the world situation allowed no reasonable alternative to an activist American foreign policy in most areas of the globe.


IZUMI ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Chadijah Isfariani Iqbal

Pokemon Go is a smartphone game that blends the real and digital worlds, tasking players with exploring their neighborhoods to find creatures and treasure for in-game use. This research describes the ways Japan uses its soft power in international coorporation relations, particulary through Pokemon Go’s game. Based on Joseph S. Nye, Jr, the soft power defined as the ability of country to achieve its goal using cultural attraction rather than coercion and violence. After the World War II, Japan has tried to change its image as war crime through popular culture, such as anime, manga and cosplay. According to Nye, Japan has more potential resources in soft power compared to the other countries. This research is focus on Popular Culture of Pokemon Go’s Game as Japan’s Soft Diplomacy. Pokemon Go is one of  Japan’s cultural diplomacy activities and the other countries uses popular culture to strengthen the positive image of Japan in the international world. The development of popular culture as a soft power and soft diplomacy also a diplomacy tool of development that can be used by Japan in conducting foreign policy in relation to international cooperation.


Author(s):  
Daria Mikhailovna Pokrovskaia

The subject of this research is the practice of liberal internationalistic approach to foreign affairs, which form many decades is a defining factors in studying Canada’s foreign policy. The Canadian liberal internationalism emerged after the World War II, and the concept of its ideology received its development in the 1950’s being inextricably linked to the name of Lester Pearson. The object of this research is the views, ideas and main approaches of Lester Pearson, who held a post of Undersecretary of State and later Prime Minister of Canada, towards the formation of foreign policy of the country. Methodology contains the analysis of personal sources of Lester Pearson and his colleagues, public speeches, official documents of Canadian Department of Foreign Policy, as well as writings of the leading Russian and foreign scholars. The author highlights the key principles of the liberal internationalistic approach towards conducting Canada’s foreign policy, among which is the institutional approach, participation of Canada in world politics as a “medium superpower”, mediation in settlement of international disputes, peacekeeping activity and adherence to the ideas of collective security, etc. A detailed analysis is carried out on the personal views and techniques of conducting diplomacy of Lester Pearson that influences the development of the Canadian liberal internationalism.


Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett

This chapter explores the period from 1914 and the beginning of World War I through the end of World War II. The world changed, and so too did the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews—but not as much as might have been expected given this long stretch of murderous anti-Semitism. The American Jewish Committee went to Paris after World War I with the agenda of convincing the victors to force the new national states of Europe to recognize the fundamental rights of minorities and to lobby for a League of Nations with responsibility for monitoring and enforcing those rights. At the same time, there was a slow, cautious acceptance of Zionism. However, not all Zionisms are alike, and as American Jews increased their support for Zionism, they also gravitated toward a version that did not hinge exclusively on the Jewish state.


Author(s):  
Tony Smith

This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.


2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. HART

Recent literature has argued that, beginning in the late 1940s, the increasing ideological competition between the Soviet Union and the United States-or, more broadly, between communism and capitalism-transformed America's record of racial discrimination and violence into an international issue with consequences for U.S. foreign policy. This article challenges that historiography by raising questions about both the timing and the cause of the increasing importance of civil rights to the U.S. foreign policy process. It focuses roughly equally upon the damage that discrimination against Latinos in the Southwest did to the Good Neighbor Policy and the dif�culties of the World War II propaganda organization, the Of�ce of War Information, in portraying America's racial practices to the world. To account for these examples requires us to recognize the World War II years-not the Cold War-as the decisive turning point when the history of domestic race relations could no longer be sanguinely ignored by U.S. policymakers.


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