scholarly journals The principles of liberal internationalism in diplomatic reality of Lester B. Pearson

2020 ◽  
pp. 104-112
Author(s):  
Daria Mikhailovna Pokrovskaia
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Institutional Approach ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject

The subject of this research is the practice of liberal internationalistic approach to foreign affairs, which form many decades is a defining factors in studying Canada’s foreign policy. The Canadian liberal internationalism emerged after the World War II, and the concept of its ideology received its development in the 1950’s being inextricably linked to the name of Lester Pearson. The object of this research is the views, ideas and main approaches of Lester Pearson, who held a post of Undersecretary of State and later Prime Minister of Canada, towards the formation of foreign policy of the country. Methodology contains the analysis of personal sources of Lester Pearson and his colleagues, public speeches, official documents of Canadian Department of Foreign Policy, as well as writings of the leading Russian and foreign scholars. The author highlights the key principles of the liberal internationalistic approach towards conducting Canada’s foreign policy, among which is the institutional approach, participation of Canada in world politics as a “medium superpower”, mediation in settlement of international disputes, peacekeeping activity and adherence to the ideas of collective security, etc. A detailed analysis is carried out on the personal views and techniques of conducting diplomacy of Lester Pearson that influences the development of the Canadian liberal internationalism.

Wilson and a World Safe for Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Smith
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The World

This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.

scholarly journals Soft power and public diplomacy of Germany: past and present

2021 ◽  
pp. 133-145
Author(s):  
Alexander Naumov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
World War ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Cold War

The concept of “soft power”, which gained popularity in recent years, was developed by the United States at the end of the Cold War. However, Germany has been using similar foreign policy tools long before the emergence of this term in 1990. The subject of this research is the German strategy of “soft power” with its own tradition and specificity that differs significantly from other countries. Public diplomacy remains the key instrument in building the “soft power” potential of Germany. Therefore, analysis is conducted on the evolution of the main vectors of “soft power” policy of the country and the activity of the key actors of its public diplomacy for the past 150 years. The article describes the use of “soft power” strategies by various political regimes that were in power in Germany. The conclusion is made that in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, which appeared on the world map in 1949, “soft power” and public diplomacy have played and continue to play an important role, allowing to achieve significant gains on the international arena in light of restrictions imposed after the World War II regarding the use of “hard power” tools. However, the German experience shows that excessive enthusiasm for building the internationally attractive image of the country may lead to quite unpredictable consequences.

Diplomatic Culture in the Canada-U.S. Model of Asymmetrical Relationship

2014 ◽  
pp. 98-106
Author(s):  
E. Komkova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
World War ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Responsible Behavior ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Rules Of The Game

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.

Nixon's Grand Design

Worldview ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Donald Brandon
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Pearl Harbor ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Grand Design

For a generation now, America has played a significant role in world affairs. Until Pearl Harbor a reluctant belligerent in World War II, this country was also slow to respond to the challenge of the Soviet Union in the immediate aftermath of that gigantic conflict. But for almost twenty-five years American Presidents have been more or less guided by the policy of “containment.” Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson all introduced variations on the multiple themes of the policy adopted by Harry Truman. Yet each concluded that the world situation allowed no reasonable alternative to an activist American foreign policy in most areas of the globe.

America: Promised Land or Wasteland

1973 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
World War ◽  
Promised Land ◽  
The World ◽  
Anniversary Issue ◽  
History Of ◽  
Hans Morgenthau

Hamilton Fish Armstrong, retiring editor of the influential quarterly, Foreign Affairs, writes in its fiftieth anniversary issue: “Not since we withdrew into comfortable isolation in 1920 has the prestige of the United States stood so low.” Lest his judgment be construed as political rhetoric, it should be noted that Armstrong has been an advisor to both major political parties. And if anyone doubts that there is cause for this critique, he need only consider the following: the United States, which in the 1940's and 1950's had an “automatic majority” in votes at the United Nations, has learned in the 1960's what it means to be outvoted in this same assembly. Americans, who during and after World War II trumpeted the cause of anticolonialism and the end of aggression, are today condemned as imperialists and aggressors. And while we have been heralded since 1946 as the most powerful nation in the history of the world, a tiny and divided nation among the less developed of Southeast Asia has fought us to a standstill. Is it any wonder Armstrong can write of the decline of America and point to the loss of our prestige in the world? Or that Hans Morgenthau can say: “America no longer sets an example for other nations to emulate; in many respects it sets an example of what to avoid”

Treaty-Making Procedure in the British Dominions

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B. Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
World War ◽  
Separate Representation ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
The World ◽  
Paris Peace Conference ◽  
The Government

The British Dominions prior to the World War had already achieved practically unrestricted freedom with respect to technical and commercial treaties. They had not attained any comparable freedom with respect to “political” treaties. They were, with rare exceptions, excluded from participation in the conclusion of such treaties but were, nevertheless, bound automatically by the obligations undertaken by the mother country. The Government of the United Kingdom, subject to its responsibility to the Imperial Parliament at Westminster, exercised sole authority in all matters relating to the conduct of foreign policy, the maintenance of peace, and the declaration of war. That authority, Prime Minister Asquith declared at the Imperial Conference of 1911, could not be shared with the Dominions. Yet at the close of the War the Dominions were given separate representation at the Paris Peace Conference.

scholarly journals Polish books production in exile in the years 19391950: statistical and geographical perspectives

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 273-289
Author(s):  
Oskar Stanisław Czarnik
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Cultural Tradition ◽  
World War ◽  
Polish People ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Post War

The subject of this article is an overview of Polish publishing in the exile during the World War II and first post-war years. The literary activity was mostly linked to the cultural tradition of the Second Polish Republic. The author describes this phenomenon quantitatively and presents the number of books published in the respective years. He also tries to explain which external factors, not only political and military, but also financial and organizational, affected publications of Polish books around the world. The subject of the debate is also geography of the Polish publishing. It is connected with a long term migration of different groups of people living in exile. The author not only points out the areas where Polish editorial activity was just temporary, but also the areas where it was long-lasting. The book output was a great assistance to Polish people living in diasporas, as well as to readers living in Poland. The following text is an excerpt of the book which is currently being prepared by the author. The book is devoted to the history of Polish publishing in exile.

scholarly journals Michal Kolmaš: National Identity and Japanese Revisionism

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-114
Author(s):  
Jakub Harašta
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
World War ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
Institutional Forces ◽  
Radical Shift

Over the course of the twentieth century, Japan has experienced a radical shift in its self-perception. After World War II, Japan embraced a peaceful and anti-militarist identity, which was based on its war-prohibiting Constitution and the foreign policy of the Yoshida doctrine. For most of the twentieth century, this identity was unusually stable. In the last couple of decades, however, Japan’s self-perception and foreign policy seem to have changed. Tokyo has conducted a number of foreign policy actions as well as symbolic internal gestures that would have been unthinkable a few decades ago and that symbolize a new and more confident Japan. Japanese politicians – including Prime Minister Abe Shinzō – have adopted a new discourse depicting pacifism as a hindrance, rather than asset, to Japan’s foreign policy. Does that mean that “Japan is back”? In order to better understand the dynamics of contemporary Japan, Kolmaš joins up the dots between national identity theory and Japanese revisionism. The book shows that while political elites and a portion of the Japanese public call for re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are still societal and institutional forces that prevent this change from entirely materializing.

Blindness as Empathy: The Politics of Touch in Works by Dan Sterup-Hansen

2020 ◽  
pp. 205-228
Author(s):  
Karen Westphal Eriksen
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Trauma ◽  
Blind People ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Phenomenological Perception

This article has as its topic the Danish artist Dan Sterup-Hansen (1918–1995) and his paintings and prints on the subject of blind people with canes as well as works related to these. Sterup-Hansen was active as an artist from a young to an old age, but made a significant artistic contribution in the decades following World War II. During this period, he explored a number of themes related to cold war anxiety and the cultural trauma of the World War II. These themes centre on the human body and a phenomenological perception of the world. They are humanitarian in spirit and are related to Sterup-Hansen’s left-wing political views of solidarity, humanism, and advocacy for change and reconstruction after the World War II.

The “Statement on Atrocities” of the Moscow Tripartite Conference

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Kircheimer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
World War ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
Joint Declaration ◽  
War Criminals ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The World

This chapter focuses on the “Statement on Atrocities,” which contains a joint declaration concerning war crimes and war criminals. Issued by the Tripartite Conference over the signatures of U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Josef Stalin, the report details that the declaration constitutes the first common announcement of intentions on the part of all three major powers. The chapter considers parallel statements issued on October 25, 1941, by Roosevelt and Churchill, which drew the attention of the world to the shooting of hostages during World War II and announced that retribution would be exacted from the guilty. It also addresses the question of the effect of the Moscow Declaration on Germany and the use which can be made of it in psychological warfare operations.

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