Keeping Up With the Times

Author(s):  
Alice Wilson

This chapter focuses on how the Polisario Liberation Movement has transformed itself and the support networks from which it benefits. Interested in how continued attention to longstanding support from Algeria may have led analysts to overlook the growing importance of support from other nonstate actors, this chapter looks at how the Polisario undertake new activities that were not facilitated by Algerian support. This chapter draws on both existing studies of the movement and experiences from extensive fieldwork in the Sahrawi refugee camps from 2006–2014. First, it briefly discusses the increasing importance of the support of nonstate actors for armed movements since the end of the Cold War. Then, it turns to the case of the Polisario, examining its beginnings as a typical anticolonial liberation movement, and then subsequent economic, political, and demographic transformations in light of which the Polisario has either shifted policy or stuck to longstanding principles. It goes on to describe nonstate forms of support that have become increasingly important. Finally, it examines the broader implications of these new, intensifying forms of support for Polisario’s position as this support has blurred the boundary between an armed and unarmed movement.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-22

Living in an area that has long been a battlefield where various world powers have often been at loggerheads, Pashtuns have frequently drawn the attention of several works of fiction. Yet literary scholars have largely ignored the importance of these works of fiction looking into the lives of Pashtuns. This paper proposes that from the times of the Cold War to those of the War on Terror, Pashtun identities have been clouded by the hegemonic discourses of the contesting global powers, leading to gaps and silences in their depiction in literature.This paper argues that the Pashtun images in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English exhibit strong influences of the dominating narratives; simultaneously, however, they seem to offer various patterns of subversion of the prevailing power narratives. Despite the fact that Pashtuns are generally regarded as the most subversive people of South Asia and that their lands have been regarded significant strategically as well as geographically, yet they are portrayed as the Others of the mainstream cultural discourses. This paper aims to highlight the contours of the socio-cultural and political valuation of Pashtuns in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-650
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Alexander ◽  
Joann McGregor

AbstractStudies of southern Africa's liberation movements have turned attention to the great importance of their transnational lives, but have rarely focused on the effects of the military training Cold War-era allies provided in sites across the globe. This is a significant omission in the history of these movements: training turns civilians into soldiers and creates armies with not only military but also social and political effects, as scholarship on conventional militaries has long emphasized. Liberation movement armies were however different in that they were not subordinated to a single state, instead receiving training under the flexible rubric of international solidarity in a host of foreign sites and in interaction with a great variety of military traditions. The training provided in this context produced multiple “military imaginaries” within liberation movement armies, at once creating deep tensions and enabling innovation. The article is based on oral histories of Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) veterans trained by Cuban and Soviet instructors in Angola in the late 1970s. These soldiers emerged from the Angolan camps with a military imaginary they summed up in the Cuban exhortation “Adelante!” (Forward!). Forty years later, they stressed how different their training had made them from other ZIPRA cadres, in terms of their military strategy, mastery of advanced Soviet weaponry, and aggressive disposition, as well as their “revolutionary” performance of politics and masculinity in modes of address, salute, and drill. Such military imaginaries powerfully shaped the southern African battlefield. They offer novel insight into the distinctive institutions, identities, and memories forged through Cold War-era military exchanges.


Living in an area that has long been a battlefield where various world powers have often been at loggerheads, Pashtuns have frequently drawn the attention of several works of fiction. Yet literary scholars have largely ignored the importance of these works of fiction looking into the lives of Pashtuns. This paper proposes that from the times of the Cold War to those of the War on Terror, Pashtun identities have been clouded by the hegemonic discourses of the contesting global powers, leading to gaps and silences in their depiction in literature.This paper argues that the Pashtun images in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English exhibit strong influences of the dominating narratives; simultaneously, however, they seem to offer various patterns of subversion of the prevailing power narratives. Despite the fact that Pashtuns are generally regarded as the most subversive people of South Asia and that their lands have been regarded significant strategically as well as geographically, yet they are portrayed as the Others of the mainstream cultural discourses. This paper aims to highlight the contours of the socio-cultural and political valuation of Pashtuns in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English. Keywords: Pashtun Images, prevailing discourses, power narratives, contemporary Pakistani fiction in English, subversive.


2008 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darren Hawkins

Especially since the end of the Cold War, the Council of Europe (CE) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have acted to protect democracy in their member states from erosion or reversals, with CE policies more robust than those in the Americas. What explains this variation? I develop an argument focusing on institutional permeability, or the extent to which those organizations are accessible to nonstate actors. Permeability consists of three dimensions: range of third parties allowed access, level of decision making at which access is granted, and transparency of IO information to those third parties. Higher levels of permeability are likely to produce higher levels of constraint on state behavior through increasing levels of precision and obligation in international rules and practices. Alternative explanations, summarized as regional democracy norms, domestic democratic lock-in interests, and the power of stable democracies cannot explain the variation in multilateral democracy protection. More broadly, this article suggests that “democratizing” IOs by allowing ever-greater access to nonstate actors is likely to result in stronger, more constraining international rules, even in areas where states most jealously guard their sovereignty, such as the nature of their domestic political institutions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Tomasz Srogosz

Summary Recently in Russian policy there was a return to the Cold War practices, which include, inter alia, nuclear deterrence, and even threatening to use nuclear weapons. That policy, however, is carried out in the changed international space compared with the times of the Cold War. The period of detente in relations between world powers was dominated inter alia by discussion on the humanitarian intervention. Human rights, tied to the value of justice, become the most important component of international order. Thus, justice has become the value of the international legal order equivalent to peace. In such a reality, the legitimacy of nuclear weapons should be based not only on the deterrence, but also on the need to protect human rights, tied with justice. Possession of nuclear weapons per se is contrary to this value. This fact should be taken into account in the world powers’ policies. Banning nuclear weapons, in accordance with the Radbruch formula, should be a result of these policies.


Author(s):  
Syed Rasool ◽  
Jehangir Khan

Living in an area that has long been a battlefield where various world powers have often been at loggerheads, Pashtuns have frequently drawn the attention of several works of fiction. Yet literary scholars have largely ignored the importance of these works of fiction looking into the lives of Pashtuns. This paper proposes that from the times of the Cold War to those of the War on Terror, Pashtun identities have been clouded by the hegemonic discourses of the contesting global powers, leading to gaps and silences in their depiction in literature.This paper argues that the Pashtun images in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English exhibit strong influences of the dominating narratives; simultaneously, however, they seem to offer various patterns of subversion of the prevailing power narratives. Despite the fact that Pashtuns are generally regarded as the most subversive people of South Asia and that their lands have been regarded significant strategically as well as geographically, yet they are portrayed as the Others of the mainstream cultural discourses. This paper aims to highlight the contours of the socio-cultural and political valuation of Pashtuns in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English.


Author(s):  
Martin Marty

Reinhold Niebuhr is widely regarded as the foremost public theologian in twentieth-century America. A ‘public’ theologian is one who is responsive to the biblical tradition and responsible to the Christian Church, but who also responds to the social and political concerns of the world and seeks to effect change in that world. In the case of Niebuhr, this meant being attuned to life in the USA as it passed through times of prosperity, depression, war, cold war and cultural complacency. It also meant that he had to be as alert to the secular philosophy and expression of the times as to the biblical and creedal traditions of the Church, and he managed to correlate and connect these in ever-changing ways. Niebuhr is known as a developer of a school of thought often called ‘Christian realism’. Though shaped first by the more optimistic liberal thought of his teachers’ generation, which stressed the immanence of God and the potential for goodness in human beings, Niebuhr came to witness to the otherness of God and the drastic limits of human potential. He even helped resurrect the term ‘original sin’ to describe the human condition, well aware that the term was scorned by most philosophers of his time. Yet over the decades, his realism came to be seen as so appropriate to descriptions of human actions, especially in situations of power, that he attracted a following far beyond Church communities. Niebuhr thus influenced both domestic and international policies. He was seen both as a self-critical theologian who uttered judgments on the Christian Church and the American nation, and as a theologian of the Cold War who issued devastating critiques of Soviet Communism. In the time before the Second World War, when most of the more notable Protestant clerics leaned towards pacifism, Niebuhr let his realistic vision and his opposition to totalitarian powers lead him to argue for ‘preparedness’ for war and to scold those who refused to see with him a need for military response to the threat of dictators.


2018 ◽  
pp. 7-10
Author(s):  
Ignacio Ybáñez Rubio

The necessity of an exchange of views between representatives of academic and scientific centers from many countries on a wide range of issues relating to Iberoamerican region can not be overemphasized. At this difficult historical moment, it is important to understand clearly all the risks and opportunities  of international dialogue that can prevent a rollback from cooperation to the times of the cold war. Spain, acting within the EU, strives for to reduce tensions, wishing to build a Spanish-Russian relationship on a mutually beneficial basis, since both sides suffer from the growth of distrust and the restriction of exchanges. Clear prospects for cooperation between Russia and Spain exist in the struggle against common threats: terrorism and international crime, which are grieving for both countries. The problems that exist between countries should be resolved through dialogue, implementation of agreements, reached with the participation of all interested parties.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence R Samuel

Purpose – This paper aims to describe the relationship between subliminal advertising and the Cold War to have a better understanding of the cultural dynamics of postwar America. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is a review of primary and secondary materials from the period 1957-1958, primarily popular and trade periodicals that capture the events as they took place. Findings – Subliminal advertising both reflected and shaped fears grounded in the Cold War cultural climate, and reveal other key insights related to the postwar psyche. Research limitations/implications – Political ideology is readily apparent within consumer culture, a prime example of the insights to be gained by viewing American culture through an interdisciplinary lens. Practical implications – Advertisers can effectively tap into consumers’ deeply seated emotions, but should tread carefully lest they be accused of “mind control”. Social implications – Subliminal advertising represented a seminal moment in postwar American history by exposing the hyper-paranoia of the times. Originality/value – A blow-by-blow account of the subliminal advertising craze and its relationship to the Cold War represents a deep dive into one of the more fascinating sites of mid-century America.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document