Afterword

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh B. Urban ◽  
Greg Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Critical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Education Today

The Afterword includes an interview with Bruce Lincoln, in which he is asked to reflect on the current study of religion, methods of comparison, and the political implications of academic discourse. In addition to responding to specific points in these chapters, Lincoln also fleshes out what he thinks it would mean “to do better” in the critical study of religion amid the ongoing crises of higher education today. Perhaps most importantly, he reflects upon and clarifies what he means by “irreverence” in the study of religion; an irreverent approach, he concludes, entails a rejection of the sacred status that other people attribute to various things, but not of the people themselves.

Who will assist the victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological or chemical weapons – and how?

2007 ◽  
Vol 89 (866) ◽  
pp. 329-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Loye ◽  
Robin Coupland
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Chemical Weapons ◽  
International Response ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Undue Risk

AbstractIt is uncertain who will assist the victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological or chemical weapons if an international response is required, and how this assistance can be provided without undue risk to those providing it. The use of such weapons or any other release of the materials of which they are composed cannot be considered as presenting a uniform risk. There are a variety of risks, each with its own implications for getting help to the people affected and for the health and security of those bringing that help. The political implications are serious and complex. This brief review shows the difficulties inherent in assisting the victims or potential victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological and chemical weapons.

scholarly journals Will Brazil Follow the Japanese Educational Reforms and Cut the Funding for Research in Humanities? Possibilities and Psycho-political Implications

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
André Dias
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Higher Education ◽  
Graduate Programs ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Japanese Education ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Education Personnel ◽  
Humanities And Social Sciences ◽  
Brazilian Students

On May 2019 Brazilian Federal government declared it would follow the Japanese academic model, cutting funding for undergraduate and graduate-level programs and research on Humanities and Social Sciences. The cited reforms were implemented by Japanese Education Minister Shimomura in 2015, but Japan would later back down on these cuts. In Brazil, however, the cuts affect 30% of the budget for Federal educational institutions and frozen the continuity of the most important program from the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES), which distributed grants for researchers on graduate programs. This paper conducts a literature and bibliographic review in order to debate the Brazilian’s cuts on Higher Education. It is concluded that those cuts are mainly politically motivated, affecting mostly the hard sciences instead of Humanities and Social Sciences. It is also concluded the political motivations behind the slashing of funding for Education may backfire, fostering the actual and new forms of political associativism between Brazilian students and researchers.

scholarly journals Subramania Bharati and the Rhetoric of Enthusiasm

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-192
Author(s):  
Rajeswari Sunder Rajan
Keyword(s):  
Social Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
English Poetry ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Masses

Abstract This article identifies the rhetoric and sentiment of enthusiasm as a certain specifically Tamil historical-aesthetic-political conjuncture that operates in both an affective register and as a structure of publicity. The “people,” who emerge as a subject of politics within the crucible of the swadeshi movement, are both “the masses” (a populist political subject) as well as the anticipated citizens of a future sovereign democracy. To distinguish the Tamil conjuncture from the histories of European populism, Part I outlines the political implications of public enthusiasm in the European Enlightenment. Kant, in his articulation of enthusiasm as a form of reason, is the critical figure here. Whereas in English poetry enthusiasm was domesticated and contained, Bharati’s writings and their impact exemplify its very different trajectory in colonial India. In Part II, Bharati’s poetry is analyzed under three heads: the enthusiasm it manifests, its language and rhetoric, and its focus on nationalism and social reform. Part III describes the communicative technologies and the formation of Bharati’s public and then the colonial conjuncture in which his work encountered censorship and prohibition. The conclusion underlines the significance of Bharati’s writings and the relevance of the political enthusiasm they generated—and still do.

scholarly journals Pencalonan Mantan Narapidana sebagai Anggota Legislatif Perspektif Fikih Siyasah

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 561-587
Author(s):  
Musyafiatun Musyafiatun
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Constitutional Politics ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
Legal Standing ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Article 50

Abstract: This article focuses on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective against the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 on the nomination of an ex of a prisoner as a legislator. MK’s decision allows the ex of a prisoner to become a legislator, DPD, and local leader with certain conditions. The basic of the consideration is that the Constitutional Court has the authority to examine, hear, and decide the decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009. In addition, the applicant also has no legal status in this respect (legal standing) and consideration of the principal arguments of the applicant’s request. MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 has juridical implication on article 12 letter g and article 50 paragraph (1) letter g of Law No. 10/2008 and article 58 letter f of Law No. 12/2008 as well as the political implications on the opportunities for the ex of a prisoner to hold a public office. Based on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective, MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009, which permitted the ex of a prisoner as a legislator, DPD and local leader with certain conditions, is in line with the concept of constitutional politics that includes the rights of the people. It is because the ex of a prisoner is also a member of the community whose rights should be protected if he or she repents.Keywords: Nominations, prisoner, members of the legislature.

Actorship, parrhesia, and Representation: Remarks on Theatricality and Politics in Hobbes, Rousseau, and Diderot

2018 ◽  
Vol 136 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dieter Thomä
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Distorted Form ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis paper addresses the strained relationship between parrhesia and actorship and analyzes its political implications. These two terms seem to be antipodes: parrhesia emphasizes the presence of a speaker or author whereas actorship deploys representation. As their relation can be explained by means of the concept of representation it is worthwhile considering the two settings in which representation matters: theater and politics. These settings will be explored in case studies on Hobbes’s, Rousseau’s, and Diderot’s accounts of parrhesia and actorship. Hobbes dismisses parrhesiastic freedom, minimalizes political authorship and favors a model of representation featuring a peculiar, powerful actor: the State. Rousseau criticizes actorship and representation, and seeks to re-install the people as sovereign author. This author is equipped with a strangely distorted form of parrhesia. Diderot takes neither Hobbes’s nor Rousseau’s side. He hints at the political potential of the author-actor relationship and paves the way to a revised notion of parrhesia.

scholarly journals “Hail the Census Night”: Trust and Political Imagination in the 1960 Population Census of Ghana

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra
Keyword(s):  
International Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Population Census ◽  
Political Imagination ◽  
Development Discourse ◽  
Departure Point ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe article uses the first population census of postcolonial Ghana to analyze the relationship between statistics and the process of imagining the nation-state. In contrast with much historical and sociological literature, which conceptualizes the relationship between census-taking and state formation in terms of identification, classification, and quantification, the departure point of this analysis is the importance of gaining the trust of the counted subjects. In Ghana, where the possibility of obtaining accurate population returns had been severely hindered by people's distrust in the state, the 1960 population census saw the organization of a capillary education campaign in schools and in the press. By dissecting the iconographies emerging from the Census Education and Enlightenment Campaign, the article makes three contributions. First, it shows that understanding the concrete ways in which statistics inform political imagination requires an expansion of the field of observation beyond the statistical machinery and other “centers of calculation.” Second, complementing James Ferguson's understanding of “development discourse” as an “anti-politics machine,” it is argued that the possibility of making the people of Ghana “census minded” depended on the construction of a much richer set of inherently political representations about the nature of the postcolonial state. Finally, it shows the importance of critically interrogating the political implications acquired by the reception of global statistical practices. It does so by documenting the multiple ways in which the international standards promoted by the United Nations became entwined with the transformation of Ghanaian politics through the mobilization of children and press propaganda.

A Discussion between Quebecois Social Anthropologists and Historians

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (51) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Denis Vorobiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Intergenerational Continuity ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines the debate between Quebecois anthropologists and historians around the “disparationist” thesis. According to this thesis, first expressed in several 17th century texts, the Attikamegues and Montagnais peoples had completely disappeared by the end of that century due to epidemics and Iroquois raids, and the territories in which they lived were occupied by alien autochthonous groups. Therefore, the modern Innu and Atikamekw are implied not to be the direct descendants of the people who lived here before the arrival of Europeans. Anthropologists criticize this thesis, stressing intergenerational continuity. They see it as a political notion that denies the indigenous rights of the First Nations. The author examines the critical arguments of the anthropologists and tries to reveal the relationship between the political implications of the problem and its purely scientific component. From his point of view, the “disparationist” thesis does not take into account the mobility and the relatively amorphous social structure of taiga hunters, in which even the replacement of some groups by others does not imply a break in continuity.

scholarly journals SPACE AND PLACE OF THE BALKANS: A GEOCRITICAL PERSPECTIVE

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (4/2020) ◽  
pp. 205-225
Author(s):  
Sanja Lazarevic Radak
Keyword(s):  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Physical Geography ◽  
The Other ◽  
Space And Place ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spatial Turn ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Symbolic Geography

The literature that explores the representations of the Balkans is based on the assumption that the Balkans were constructed, imagined or invented. This claim is usually accompanied by the attempts to highlight the discrepancy between physical and imaginary geography and to point out the gap in semantics between the Balkan Peninsula and the Balkans. While the first one functions as physical geography, the other one refers to a place populated by representations, rather than people. Following the trend of linguistic and spatial turn, they hold the binary logic that insists upon the duality of the spatial. Some of the most important studies in this field can be read and interpreted as another in a series of texts about the Balkans. Thus, the aim of this paper is to: 1. Point out the places and passages where academic discourse on the Balkans separate physical and symbolic geography; 2. Highlight the political implications of this approach; 3. Suggest a geocritical aim that provides a sort of ballance between the material geography („real“) and imaginary spaces.

scholarly journals Conspiracy theories and pandemic management in Africa: critical reflections on contexts, contradictions and challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-59
Author(s):  
Adeolu Oluwaseyi Oyekan ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Health Issue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Trust Building ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The World

The coronavirus pandemic, though primarily a health issue, has had significant social, economic and political implications across the world. There are reasons to believe that some of the changes occurring are likely to be permanent even in a post-pandemic world, and there are even suggestions that the world may be entering a phase in which pandemics become recurrent. Making sense of all that the pandemic has brought has by no means been easy, even for scientists who have had to review and revise their claims as new discoveries about the virus are made. One of the fallouts of the pandemic has been a proliferation of conspiracy theories about the origin of the virus, as well as efforts to contain it. Summed up, these theories of various shades allege that certain powerful forces are behind the pandemic, in pursuit of some narrow ends that range from the political to the religious. In this paper, I analyse conspiracy theories and the motivations behind them. Situating conspiracy theories within the pandemic, I argue that they are best understood not within the framework of a single theory but by an understanding of how diverse motivations generate different, even contradictory conspiratorial accounts. I argue that whereas conspiracy theories have become a feature of modern society, and have been amplified in the age of technology, they have low credibility value in explaining the pandemic, while having significant implications. I also argue that if left unchecked, conspiracy theories have the capacity to further undermine governments’ capacity to respond to big crises in Africa in the future. I conclude that conspiracy theories are best managed in a pandemic through consistent, transparent engagement rooted in trust-building between the people and governments, especially in Africa.

scholarly journals Authoritarianism and Resistance

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-139
Author(s):  
Jeremiah Morelock ◽  
Felipe Ziotti Narita
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Late Modernity ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
National Boundaries

We tie together and explicate the political implications of the trends discussed in previous chapters. For Fromm, sadomasochistic desires are bred from modern alienation, and these desires can fuel authoritarian social movements. For Foucault, modern authoritarianism (and genocide) is fed by the idea that the state needs to protect the normal majority from the abnormal minority (biopolitics). Giddens says in ‘late modernity’ people distrust experts, long for authenticity, lose concern with morality and fixate on avoiding risk. With the rise of global social networks, there is also a lot of reaction against globalisation. Facing porous national boundaries, many people push back against multiculturalism, seeing it as a threat to their social order. Providing examples from different countries, we describe how in other, more direct ways, social media plays into authoritarian populist ends that subvert liberal democracy. We suggest that when political leaders use Twitter and Facebook they too can project spectacular selves, and post messages that make them appear more authentic and connected to ‘the people’. At the same time, social media also offers new channels and tools for protest, activism, and anti-authoritarianism. The ‘agitation games’ of authoritarian political figures inspire their own opposition as part of their method of inspiring their own movements. Authoritarianism is a growing reality, but so is anti-authoritarianism.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document