scholarly journals Subramania Bharati and the Rhetoric of Enthusiasm

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-192
Author(s):  
Rajeswari Sunder Rajan
Keyword(s):  
Social Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
English Poetry ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Masses

Abstract This article identifies the rhetoric and sentiment of enthusiasm as a certain specifically Tamil historical-aesthetic-political conjuncture that operates in both an affective register and as a structure of publicity. The “people,” who emerge as a subject of politics within the crucible of the swadeshi movement, are both “the masses” (a populist political subject) as well as the anticipated citizens of a future sovereign democracy. To distinguish the Tamil conjuncture from the histories of European populism, Part I outlines the political implications of public enthusiasm in the European Enlightenment. Kant, in his articulation of enthusiasm as a form of reason, is the critical figure here. Whereas in English poetry enthusiasm was domesticated and contained, Bharati’s writings and their impact exemplify its very different trajectory in colonial India. In Part II, Bharati’s poetry is analyzed under three heads: the enthusiasm it manifests, its language and rhetoric, and its focus on nationalism and social reform. Part III describes the communicative technologies and the formation of Bharati’s public and then the colonial conjuncture in which his work encountered censorship and prohibition. The conclusion underlines the significance of Bharati’s writings and the relevance of the political enthusiasm they generated—and still do.

Afterword

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh B. Urban ◽  
Greg Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Critical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Education Today

The Afterword includes an interview with Bruce Lincoln, in which he is asked to reflect on the current study of religion, methods of comparison, and the political implications of academic discourse. In addition to responding to specific points in these chapters, Lincoln also fleshes out what he thinks it would mean “to do better” in the critical study of religion amid the ongoing crises of higher education today. Perhaps most importantly, he reflects upon and clarifies what he means by “irreverence” in the study of religion; an irreverent approach, he concludes, entails a rejection of the sacred status that other people attribute to various things, but not of the people themselves.

scholarly journals THE POLITICAL AMBIGUITY OF LATIN AMERICAN POPULAR RELIGION

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-33
Author(s):  
Néstor O. Míguez
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
Popular Religion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Experiences ◽  
The People ◽  
Popular Religiosity ◽  
The Masses

This article will present some historical cases, some ancient, some very recent, of how such ambiguity of the religious forces and popular religiosity has played in Latin America. Through this case we will analyze how and why in “the popular” the same cultural phenomena can play sometimes a very conservative role, and then, in others, turn into a menacing power to the traditional social order. On one hand, it is a way in which conservative hegemony has captured the potential and will of the masses and used it to domesticate its claims (opium of the people). But in other cases it has stimulated the dreams and hopes, and has provided unexpected vitality to the people in their search for justice and better living conditions. The traditional aboriginal (pre-conquest) religions and worldviews, as well as new religious experiences brought by the slave trade and migrations sometimes provided myths and images that reinforced the liberating thrust of religious forces.

Politics, Epistemology and Method: Karl Popper's Conception of Human Nature

1995 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoff Stokes
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Human Nature ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Rationalism ◽  
Human Needs ◽  
Theory Of History ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Liberal Thought

Karl Popper's advocacy of freedom and toleration, his belief in the power of ideas, and the possibility of democratic social reform, place him in the more optimistic strand of liberal thought. Yet his awareness of the human needs for regularity and tradition bolster a largely conservative and pessimistic conception of human nature. Epistemologies have a central role in Popper's political programme and theory of history because they influence either the release or suppression of key human capacities. Elucidating Popper's conception of human nature shows the origins of Popper's understanding of dogmatism and violence and indicates the underlying rationale for critical rationalism. But it also explains why Popper prefers revolutions in thought among élites to those in politics among the masses. To the extent that Popper's conception of human nature is problematic, so the political theory and epistemology may also be misconceived.

Who will assist the victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological or chemical weapons – and how?

2007 ◽  
Vol 89 (866) ◽  
pp. 329-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Loye ◽  
Robin Coupland
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Chemical Weapons ◽  
International Response ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Undue Risk

AbstractIt is uncertain who will assist the victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological or chemical weapons if an international response is required, and how this assistance can be provided without undue risk to those providing it. The use of such weapons or any other release of the materials of which they are composed cannot be considered as presenting a uniform risk. There are a variety of risks, each with its own implications for getting help to the people affected and for the health and security of those bringing that help. The political implications are serious and complex. This brief review shows the difficulties inherent in assisting the victims or potential victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological and chemical weapons.

scholarly journals The Political Practice and its Subjects in of New Critical Theories: Complicities and Points of Adversity

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graciela INDA
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Critical Theories ◽  
The People ◽  
Hardt And Negri ◽  
The Subject

These four theoretical bets on the “multitude” (Hardt and Negri), on the political subject as fidelity to an event (Badiou), on the “people” as a hegemonic interaction of heterogeneous demands (Laclau and Mouffe), on the political subject as an emergent subject of an egalitarian irruption (Rancière), illustrate the seek for new political subjectivities after abandoning the Marxist thesis that gives a decisive role to the working-class in the process of social transformation. Apart from this binding nucleus, they present divergences that place the question about the subject of emancipation in a field of confrontations, and bifurcation points. This work aims at delimiting the lines of combat, voices of consent and dissent found in these new critical theories regarding the connection between political subjectivity, and economic relations, the issue of the strategy, the nationalism/internationalism dilemma and the disjunction between statism and anti-statism.

scholarly journals Pencalonan Mantan Narapidana sebagai Anggota Legislatif Perspektif Fikih Siyasah

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 561-587
Author(s):  
Musyafiatun Musyafiatun
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Constitutional Politics ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
Legal Standing ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Article 50

Abstract: This article focuses on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective against the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 on the nomination of an ex of a prisoner as a legislator. MK’s decision allows the ex of a prisoner to become a legislator, DPD, and local leader with certain conditions. The basic of the consideration is that the Constitutional Court has the authority to examine, hear, and decide the decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009. In addition, the applicant also has no legal status in this respect (legal standing) and consideration of the principal arguments of the applicant’s request. MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 has juridical implication on article 12 letter g and article 50 paragraph (1) letter g of Law No. 10/2008 and article 58 letter f of Law No. 12/2008 as well as the political implications on the opportunities for the ex of a prisoner to hold a public office. Based on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective, MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009, which permitted the ex of a prisoner as a legislator, DPD and local leader with certain conditions, is in line with the concept of constitutional politics that includes the rights of the people. It is because the ex of a prisoner is also a member of the community whose rights should be protected if he or she repents.Keywords: Nominations, prisoner, members of the legislature.

scholarly journals Muslim and Democracy: A Reflection from 2012 Aceh’s Gubernatorial Election

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-555
Author(s):  
Irfan Iryadi ◽  
Mursyidin Zakaria ◽  
Effendi Hasan ◽  
Dedy Tabrani ◽  
Fadhil Ilhamsyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Gubernatorial Election ◽  
Political Dialectic

This paper explores about governor election in Aceh period 2012-2017 as a socio-political lesson. At that moment, political trends in Aceh are ongoing mass politics, not politics ideology based on the interests of the people. Mass politics is crewed politics on the basis of pragmatic and opportunist ideology. Intimidation and massive mobilization of the masses accompanied by money politics and imagery are characteristic of mass politics. In mass politics the potential for conflict is also quite high. Not often people who are victims. People admits that gubernatorial election of Aceh in 2012  was won by Zaini Abdullah and Muzakkir Manaf (Zikir) carried out by local political parties, namely the Party Aceh, the legislature is complete and the executive is entirely in the hands of the Party's control Aceh. All his potions and political teachings will be lowered to the service arena for Acehnese people during the 2012-2017 period. But the question then blocks in all of our minds, will the opposition be still dare to survive with the political dialectic recently? Of course we can see this at least in the first six months post the inauguration of Zikir as governor and deputy the governor of Aceh later.

The Fifteenth Maudsley Lecture: The Professional Mind

1934 ◽  
Vol 80 (330) ◽  
pp. 469-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lord Macmillan
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Knowledge ◽  
Combustion Engine ◽  
Popular Science ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Market Place ◽  
Practical Applications ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Excellent Work ◽  
The Masses

In devoting to the foundation of a memorial lectureship a portion of Dr. Maudsley's bequest, the learned Society which I have this afternoon the honour to address made an indulgent concession to the laity in prescribing that the lecture to be delivered should in alternate years be of a scientific and of a popular character. This year it is the turn of the popular lecturer—a rôle which I have assumed with some trepidation. The distinction drawn is an ominous one. It seems to suggest that to be scientific you must be unpopular, and to be popular you must be unscientific. But is there necessarily so absolute a dividing line between the two domains? I hazard the view that it is possible to be at once both popular and scientific. No doubt there is still a tendency in learned circles to deride what is known as popular science, but that is an inheritance from the days of the cheap and inaccurate manuals which used to be written by imperfectly informed persons, pretentiously professing to enlighten the masses on the truths of science. Nowadays, science has become more condescending, indeed almost affable, to democracy. The approach has come from both sides, for democracy is now better educated, and science is now more expert in the art of exposition. The advent of the internal combustion engine, of wireless telegraphy and of many other practical applications of science to daily life has created a new and widespread interest and aptitude on the part of the general public in the acquisition of accurate scientific knowledge, particularly among the younger generation. At the same time the physicist, the chemist and the biologist have found it possible and worth while to impart much of their learning to wider audiences. Science is daily entering more and more into the lives of the people, with the consequence that its social, economic and political implications are being more and more realized by its professors. The President of the Royal Society has reminded us that we live in an age when the advance and development of scientific knowledge are continually creating new social and economic problems of the utmost importance, and has emphasized the necessity of bridging the gap between the scientist and the layman by every possible means. The British Science Guild, now doing such excellent work, was founded some thirty years ago by Sir Norman Lockyer for the express purpose of promoting the application of scientific method and results to social problems and public affairs. The market-place can doubtless never supersede the laboratory, but the scientist no longer disdains to take his wares to market.

scholarly journals The Qeleshe and the Drone. Models of Political Expression at the Albania National Football Team’s Games in Belgrade

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Kovačević
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
National Team ◽  
Football Team ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Masses

In the space of 47 years the Albania national football team played two games at the JNA stadium in Belgrade. At both games, events with a clear political content took place. At the 1967 game, a group of about 5,000 fans supported the Albania national team, some of whom wore qeleshes as a possible marker of Albanian ethnicity. The 2014 game, which was also a European Championship qualifier, was marked by the appearance of a drone carrying the Greater Albania flag, which descended towards the pitch. As players tried to get hold of the flag, a scuffle broke out and supporters invaded the pitch, with the result that the match was suspended. In this paper, both events are interpreted within the context of other political events in the region immediately preceding and following the matches. The events at the 1967 game are compared to the demonstrations in Pristina a year later. The comparison highlights differences in the political attitudes of the masses and the elites. While the masses had clear aspirations towards the unification of all Albanians, regardless of the situation in Albania at the time and Enver Hoxha’s Stalinist regime, the elite perceived the danger of these ideas and channeled the strategy toward solutions that appeared feasible, namely, the establishment of a republic within Yugoslavia. Again, at the game 47 years later, the drone with the message of Greater Albania was not the expression of the political will of the elite, who were aware that Albania’s and Kosovo’s current political positions do not allow for the abolishing of borders. In both cases, the political elites did not explicitly reject the idea of unification, as it would be politically inopportune to reject an idea that is prevalent in the cultural intimacy of the broad masses of the people, but it was sidelined and modified into unity within the broader context of integrations and breaking down of barriers in the region and in Europe.

scholarly journals The place of the phenomenon of manipulation in political discourse

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The People ◽  
Nature Of Information ◽  
Huge Impact ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Masses

The article examines issues of political manipulation from the linguistic point of view. Diversified review of studies of the phenomenon of political manipulation was accomplished and the role of means of language in the process of manipulation was described. It is postulated that manipulation inherently belongs to the people`s speech and in particular to the speech of the politicians. In this respect, it is deemed to be wrong to study manipulation in an exclusively negative light. The focus of the research is the effect of the manipulatory impact and this interest is predetermined by the emphasis on the linguo-pragmatic aspects of communication. Political discourse is characterized by manipulative features in order to conduct a propaganda conflict, which is achieved using various linguistic units and methods, such as nominalization, euphemisms, precedent phenomena. The political discourse of the media has a huge impact on the formation of public opinion, which is done with the help of the above tools of speech manipulation. The article examines the features of manipulative technologies of political discourse. The severity of the problem of the manipulative potential of speech is determined by direct communication between the institutionalized addressee and the mass addressee, which takes place in the political discourse of the media. A brief analysis of the types of manipulation depending on the nature of information transformations is given, which determines the presence of specific features of the language of politics, as well as the use of special tools that contribute to the implementation of the main functions of political discourse. According to the author, the media are forming a new political reality in which manipulation technologies become a key instrument of political behaviour of the masses.

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