scholarly journals Pencalonan Mantan Narapidana sebagai Anggota Legislatif Perspektif Fikih Siyasah

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 561-587
Author(s):  
Musyafiatun Musyafiatun

Abstract: This article focuses on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective against the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 on the nomination of an ex of a prisoner as a legislator. MK’s decision allows the ex of a prisoner to become a legislator, DPD, and local leader with certain conditions. The basic of the consideration is that the Constitutional Court has the authority to examine, hear, and decide the decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009. In addition, the applicant also has no legal status in this respect (legal standing) and consideration of the principal arguments of the applicant’s request. MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 has juridical implication on article 12 letter g and article 50 paragraph (1) letter g of Law No. 10/2008 and article 58 letter f of Law No. 12/2008 as well as the political implications on the opportunities for the ex of a prisoner to hold a public office. Based on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective, MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009, which permitted the ex of a prisoner as a legislator, DPD and local leader with certain conditions, is in line with the concept of constitutional politics that includes the rights of the people. It is because the ex of a prisoner is also a member of the community whose rights should be protected if he or she repents.Keywords: Nominations, prisoner, members of the legislature.

Author(s):  
Hugh B. Urban ◽  
Greg Johnson

The Afterword includes an interview with Bruce Lincoln, in which he is asked to reflect on the current study of religion, methods of comparison, and the political implications of academic discourse. In addition to responding to specific points in these chapters, Lincoln also fleshes out what he thinks it would mean “to do better” in the critical study of religion amid the ongoing crises of higher education today. Perhaps most importantly, he reflects upon and clarifies what he means by “irreverence” in the study of religion; an irreverent approach, he concludes, entails a rejection of the sacred status that other people attribute to various things, but not of the people themselves.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Jorge Luís dos Santos LOURENÇON ◽  
Ana Maria Ortega ALONSO

No século XX, os pensadores Hans Kelsen e Carl Schmitt travaram um embate sobre a quem incumbiria a guarda da Constituição. Para aquele, a tarefa seria de um órgão técnico, qual seja, uma corte constitucional, capaz de uma análise de compatibilidade entre normas de hierarquia superior com as de hierarquia inferior. Para Schmitt, por outro lado, ao chefe de Estado caberia tal responsabilidade, por ser detentor da vontade política e, assim, mostrar-se afim aos anseios populares; sendo a Constituição uma decisão política, o representante do povo teria legitimidade para protegê-la, de acordo com a vontade pública. Discute-se, neste estudo, a qual teoria o Supremo Tribunal Federal se aproximou, quando do julgamento da Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade nº 4.439, em que se decidiu pela compatibilidade do ensino religioso de natureza confessional e matrícula facultativa, na rede pública de ensino, com a Constituição Federal de 1988, isto é, se a argumentação desenvolvida pela Corte Maior se reveste de caráter técnico, como pretendia Kelsen, ou se consideram os pensamentos do povo brasileiro, como defendido por Schmitt. Conclui-se que, pela análise de votos dos Ministros do Pretório Excelso, a argumentação técnica restou vencida por uma argumentação jurídica e de ordem política, em consonância com a vontade popular, distanciando a atuação do STF da guarda da Carta Política tal como pretendida por Hans Kelsen. A metodologia empregada é a revisão bibliográfica, sob o método dedutivo.   THE DIRECT UNCONSTITUTIONALITY ACTION 4.439 UNDER HANS KELSEN’S AND CARL SCHMITT’S CONSTITUTIONAL THEORIES PERSPECTIVE   ABSTRACT In the 20th century, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt raised an issue about who was responsible for The Guardian of the Constitution.  For Kelsen, a technical body would be held responsible, wherever, a constitutional court, qualified to a compatibility analysis between superior hierarchy and inferior hierarchy. For Schmitt, on the other hand, the Head of State would bear such responsibility, for being the holder of the political will, and thus depicting popular aspirations; being the Constitution a political decision, the representative of the people would have the legitimacy to protect it, in accordance with the will of the people. In this study, it is discussed which theory the Supreme Court approached, in the judgment of Direct Unconstitutionality Action 4.439, in which, it was decided in favor of the compatibility of  the confessional natural theology nature and the elective enrollment in public school systems, with the Federal Constitution of 1988, that is, if the arguments developed by the Major Court holds a technical character, as Kelsen intended, or if they consider the thoughts of  Brazilian people, as defended by Schmitt. It is concluded that, by the analysis of the votes of the Ministers of Praetorium Excelso, the technical argument was defeated by a legal and political argument, in agreement with the popular will, intervening the performance of the STF from the custody of the Political Charter as intended by Hans Kelsen. The methodology used was the literature review, under the deductive method.   Keywords: Direct Unconstitutionality Action. Hans Kelsen. Carl Schmitt. Theory of Constitution. Secularism.


Author(s):  
Sergii Tellis ◽  

The article provides a comparative study of the constitutional powers granted to presidents in Ukraine and Hungary in the context of the political and legal aspect, and also an attempt to appraise the role of subjective factors involved in the exercise of state power and transformation of the presidency institute of the aforementioned states. The aim of the article: to comparative study of the constitutional and legal status of Hungarian and Ukrainian presidents in the political and legal context and performing an appraisal of the personal impact exerted by the head of state on the government of the above-said countries. The research methodology: to observation and generalization; ordering of all basic elements; method of scientific generalization, which made it possible to formulate conclusions. As a result, it is established that the institution of the presidency in Ukraine is the core of the executive branch, which dominates the state system. In Hungary, the executive and legislative branches make up a political bloc (alliance) which is counterbalanced in certain relations by the constitutional court and judicial power. The subjective factor, namely personal qualities of presidents – career path, role perception, interpretation of powers – determines the political heft of the head of state. Subject to sufficient individual traits, a constitutionally “weak” president is able to influence the country’s development concept and the positioning strategy on the global scene.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahmah Nurlaily ◽  
Moh Ali Wafa ◽  
Irfan Khairul Umam

This research is to know how the provisions regarding the legal standing dissolution of political parties in the country of democracy, namely Indonesia and Germany, and know the legal position of the applicant in the case of dissolution of political parties in Indonesia in accordance with the principles of democracy, this is based on studies with the German state. This research uses the type of normative research, in this research method of data collection is done by Library Research technique, by studying the literature, rules of invite-invitations, books, official documents, and writings of scholars related to this thesis. The Data has been compiled and analyzed using a juridical normative method or qualitative method, which is a study that specialized in the study based on the legal theories that are then associated with legislation.The approach used in this research is a statutory approach as well as an analytical approach. The results of this research showed a comparison of legal standing applicants for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia with Germany, where Indonesia has similarities with the German state that both have a multi-party system as well as the authority to dissolution its political party owned by the Constitutional Court, but in the application of a legal standing applicant dissolution of a different political party, which German , the implementation is already based on the principle of democracy, unlike Indonesia which legal standing applicants only government only, of course this is not based on the principle of democracy state when mirrored to the German state. That there should be other parties who become applicants in the case of the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia, namely the DPR and DPD, it reflects the life of a democratic country and the oversight of the political parties and governments who become parties in the application of the dissolution of the political party, for that it is necessary to study the authority of the applicant in the dissolution of political parties in


2007 ◽  
Vol 89 (866) ◽  
pp. 329-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Loye ◽  
Robin Coupland

AbstractIt is uncertain who will assist the victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological or chemical weapons if an international response is required, and how this assistance can be provided without undue risk to those providing it. The use of such weapons or any other release of the materials of which they are composed cannot be considered as presenting a uniform risk. There are a variety of risks, each with its own implications for getting help to the people affected and for the health and security of those bringing that help. The political implications are serious and complex. This brief review shows the difficulties inherent in assisting the victims or potential victims of use of nuclear, radiological, biological and chemical weapons.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-192
Author(s):  
Rajeswari Sunder Rajan

Abstract This article identifies the rhetoric and sentiment of enthusiasm as a certain specifically Tamil historical-aesthetic-political conjuncture that operates in both an affective register and as a structure of publicity. The “people,” who emerge as a subject of politics within the crucible of the swadeshi movement, are both “the masses” (a populist political subject) as well as the anticipated citizens of a future sovereign democracy. To distinguish the Tamil conjuncture from the histories of European populism, Part I outlines the political implications of public enthusiasm in the European Enlightenment. Kant, in his articulation of enthusiasm as a form of reason, is the critical figure here. Whereas in English poetry enthusiasm was domesticated and contained, Bharati’s writings and their impact exemplify its very different trajectory in colonial India. In Part II, Bharati’s poetry is analyzed under three heads: the enthusiasm it manifests, its language and rhetoric, and its focus on nationalism and social reform. Part III describes the communicative technologies and the formation of Bharati’s public and then the colonial conjuncture in which his work encountered censorship and prohibition. The conclusion underlines the significance of Bharati’s writings and the relevance of the political enthusiasm they generated—and still do.


Author(s):  
Estela Gilbaja Cabrero

El Parlamento catalán aprobó en 2014 una Ley de consultas populares. Anteriormente, en 2013, había aprobado una Declaración de soberanía y del derecho a decidir del pueblo de Cataluña. Basándose en los citados documentos, el Presidente de la Generalitat convocó una «consulta popular no referendaria sobre el futuro político de Cataluña», que tendría lugar el 9 de noviembre de 2014. No se llegó a celebrar porque el Tribunal Constitucional decretó su suspensión, ya que el Gobierno había impugnado ante él la Ley, la Declaración y el Decreto de Convocatoria. La Generalitat, una asociación y dos particulares entendieron que los recursos del Gobierno fueron una intromisión en los derechos de los catalanes y acudieron al Tribunal Supremo. El presente trabajo estudia los Autos del Tribunal Supremo que les dan respuesta.Catalan Parliament approved in 2014 a Popular Enquiry Act. Previously, in 2013, they had approved a Declaration of Sovereignty and the right to decide of the people of Catalonia. Based on these documents, the President of the regional Government called to a «non-referendum popular enquiry about the political future of Catalonia», which would be held on November 9, 2014. It did not get to celebrate because the Constitutional Court ordered its suspension, as the central Government had impugned the Act, the Declaration and the Decree calling for the enquiry. The regional Government, an association and two people thought those impugnations were an intrusion on the Catalans’ rights and went before the Supreme Court. This paper studies the reply of the Supreme Court.


2018 ◽  
Vol 136 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dieter Thomä

AbstractThis paper addresses the strained relationship between parrhesia and actorship and analyzes its political implications. These two terms seem to be antipodes: parrhesia emphasizes the presence of a speaker or author whereas actorship deploys representation. As their relation can be explained by means of the concept of representation it is worthwhile considering the two settings in which representation matters: theater and politics. These settings will be explored in case studies on Hobbes’s, Rousseau’s, and Diderot’s accounts of parrhesia and actorship. Hobbes dismisses parrhesiastic freedom, minimalizes political authorship and favors a model of representation featuring a peculiar, powerful actor: the State. Rousseau criticizes actorship and representation, and seeks to re-install the people as sovereign author. This author is equipped with a strangely distorted form of parrhesia. Diderot takes neither Hobbes’s nor Rousseau’s side. He hints at the political potential of the author-actor relationship and paves the way to a revised notion of parrhesia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra

AbstractThe article uses the first population census of postcolonial Ghana to analyze the relationship between statistics and the process of imagining the nation-state. In contrast with much historical and sociological literature, which conceptualizes the relationship between census-taking and state formation in terms of identification, classification, and quantification, the departure point of this analysis is the importance of gaining the trust of the counted subjects. In Ghana, where the possibility of obtaining accurate population returns had been severely hindered by people's distrust in the state, the 1960 population census saw the organization of a capillary education campaign in schools and in the press. By dissecting the iconographies emerging from the Census Education and Enlightenment Campaign, the article makes three contributions. First, it shows that understanding the concrete ways in which statistics inform political imagination requires an expansion of the field of observation beyond the statistical machinery and other “centers of calculation.” Second, complementing James Ferguson's understanding of “development discourse” as an “anti-politics machine,” it is argued that the possibility of making the people of Ghana “census minded” depended on the construction of a much richer set of inherently political representations about the nature of the postcolonial state. Finally, it shows the importance of critically interrogating the political implications acquired by the reception of global statistical practices. It does so by documenting the multiple ways in which the international standards promoted by the United Nations became entwined with the transformation of Ghanaian politics through the mobilization of children and press propaganda.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-141
Author(s):  
Frank Mort

AbstractHow did the British monarchy respond to the multiple challenges of early twentieth-century mass democracy? Historians have separated the growth of constitutional sovereignty from the practice of a welfare monarchy, or from royalty as decorative and media friendly. This article argues that the political transformation of the modern monarchy was inseparable from innovations to its style and presentation. Opening with the dramatic constitutional crisis that confronted George V and his advisors in 1910, I show how the monarchy's entanglement in high politics forced the crown to assume an increasingly neutral, arbitrarial stance on industrial disputes and on the Irish question, despite the king's own conservatism. Simultaneously, George V invested in styles of royal accessibility and informality that contrasted sharply with other major European dynasties, in a series of royal tours across the industrial heartlands of England and Wales in 1912 and 1913. Extensively covered by the national and imperial press and by the newsreels, these visits to the strongholds of laborism promoted a vision of patrician democracy that drew heavily on traditions of organic, one-nation conservatism. But they also positioned royalty and the people in a new imaginary relationship that was more personal and intimate. Both versions had long-term consequences for the British monarchy across the twentieth century.


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