Back to the Future

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon

This chapter identifies the historical roots of union decline in a period of unparalleled labor strength—the 1950s. Like their contemporary counterparts, unions in the 1950s often struggled to secure influential political allies, to forge coalitions with groups outside of the labor movement, to push back against powerful business interests, and to make a compelling case for labor rights. These weaknesses came to a head at the end of the decade in conflicts over right-to-work laws and public-sector collective bargaining rights in the industrial Midwest. Social movement theory is presented to account for labor’s mixed showing across the heavily unionized states of the Midwest in the 1950s and to identify the political, organizational, and strategic factors critical to labor success then and now. The principal case studies and research design are introduced.

Author(s):  
Mohammad Adly Talaat

This paper tackles the distinguished case studies of some countries in the domains of Public Sector Information (PSI) and Open Government Data (OGD), and demonstrates the current situation of Egypt related to them. The paper shows as well why the OGD is needed and its benefits on the political, economic, social, and international readiness axes


2020 ◽  
pp. 99-121
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon

This chapter takes up right-to-work and public-sector collective bargaining legislation at the end of the 1950s and shows how they caught on in the Midwest and elsewhere over the next two decades. The chapter then considers the experience of the other two large industrial states in the region, Michigan and Illinois. While there are some notable differences within the region, such as the impressive labor–liberal coalition in Michigan, it is marked mostly by the disorganization of labor and its allies. Armed with this information, the key findings from chapters 3–5 are put in comparative perspective. While there was no magic bullet for union influence, unions succeeded when they cultivated a broad coalition or influential political allies and, importantly, when their opposition crumbled. This required the presence of unusually resourceful local activists or a push from far-sighted national organizations to overcome otherwise weak statewide organization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 313
Author(s):  
Paulo Henrique Silveira Damião

Busca-se refletir sobre a atuação dos trabalhadores e sindicatos de Juiz de Fora na Justiça do Trabalho durante o contexto de autoritarismo da ditadura militar brasileira, especificamente na sua primeira década (1964-1974). O uso da justiça trabalhista como instrumento para se buscar a garantia de direitos e melhores condições de trabalho em um contexto de autoritarismo se revela através da análise dos autos processuais dos processos coletivos impetrados pelas representações dos trabalhadores da referida cidade, tramitados no Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da 3ª Região (TRT3). Pretende-se captar as experiências dos trabalhadores nas negociações coletivas e a relação entre suas demandas e o contexto político, social e econômico do período, refletindo sobre os impactos dos autoritarismos de Estado nas relações de trabalho e procurando perceber se este tribunal atuou no sentido de buscar reparar as perdas de direitos trabalhistas e amenizar os ataques do regime autoritário direcionados aos trabalhadores.*We seek to reflect on the workers’ performance and unions of Juiz de Fora in the “Justiça do Trabalho” during the context of authoritarianism of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship, specifically in its first decade (1964-1974). The use of “Justiça do Trabalho” as an instrument to seek the guarantee of rights and better working conditions in a context of authoritarianism is revealed through the analysis of the procedural documents of the collective lawsuits filed by the representatives of the workers of that city, processed in the Regional Labor Court of the 3rd Region (TRT3). The aim is to capture the experiences of workers in collective bargaining and the relationship between their demands and the political, social and economic context of the period, reflecting on the impacts of state authoritarianism on labor relations and trying to understand if this court acted in the sense of repairing the losses of labor rights and to soften the attacks of the authoritarian regime directed to the workers.


Author(s):  
Bryn Rosenfeld

This chapter uses survey data to investigate the political orientations and career aspirations of students who intend to join Russia's public-sector. It examines a range of factors highlighted by existing cross-national research on public employment in established democracies and developing states. It also emphasizes how the pre-existing networks are considered the most important factor that shape public-sector career preferences. The chapter centers on students' political preferences before they enter the labor market, providing a research design that show that democratic attitudes have virtually no bearing on career choices. It builds on the research design by using a panel study of new labor market entrants.


2020 ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon

This chapter traces the development of the first statewide public-sector collective bargaining legislation in Wisconsin in 1959 and the campaign waged by municipal employees there. The case for public-sector rights lacked the fanfare of the campaigns in Indiana and Ohio, though it was clearly shaped by the political winds surrounding these efforts. Well before the upsurge of civil rights–inspired public-sector organizing in the 1960s and 1970s, bargaining rights in Wisconsin were rooted in the 1950s fights over labor rights. The success of the public-sector union campaign in Wisconsin is mostly a story of political opportunity. It was after more than a decade of public-sector advocates organizing and introducing bills in the legislature, and after the overreach of business activists on right-to-work in the region, that dissension within the Republican Party and between party leaders and business circles provided the opening that activists needed.


Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.


1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Schroeder ◽  
Rainer Weinert

The approach of the new millennium appears to signal the demiseof traditional models of social organization. The political core ofthis process of change—the restructuring of the welfare state—andthe related crisis of the industrywide collective bargaining agreementhave been subjects of much debate. For some years now inspecialist literature, this debate has been conducted between theproponents of a neo-liberal (minimally regulated) welfare state andthe supporters of a social democratic model (highly regulated). Thealternatives are variously expressed as “exit vs. voice,” “comparativeausterity vs. progressive competitiveness,” or “deregulation vs.cooperative re-regulation.”


Author(s):  
David Lewin ◽  
Thomas A. Kochan ◽  
Joel Cutcher-Gershenfeld ◽  
Teresa Ghilarducci ◽  
Harry C. C. Katz ◽  
...  

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