Getting Out the Vote

2021 ◽  
pp. 147-176
Author(s):  
Malcolm Crook
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Second Empire ◽  
Adult Males ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Civil Unrest ◽  
Electoral Turnout ◽  
International War ◽  
Degree Of Participation ◽  
Huge Challenge

Measuring electoral turnout in the past was not a priority, but in France after 1789 it became quite apparent that awarding the franchise to a majority of adult males did not automatically lead to its employment. Voter fatigue soon took its toll, and exhortation usually fell on deaf ears, though electoral procedure was extremely long-winded, and the decade of Revolution was marked throughout by civil unrest and international war. When universal manhood suffrage was established in 1848, turnout was initially high, yet it was not sustained and mobilizing the electorate remained a huge challenge. It proved essential to enable and educate citizens to exercise their right to vote. As elsewhere, the electoral apprenticeship in France was thus a lengthy and uneven process, in geographical as well as chronological terms. Somewhat ironically, it was the authoritarian Second Empire that marked a vital turning point in this regard, when frequent and regular polling began to attract a consistently increasing degree of participation. By the turn of the twentieth century high levels of turnout had become the norm, not just in national elections, but also at the local level, where the habit of voting was deeply embedded.

6. Multilevel Governing Within the United Kingdom

Public Law ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-194
Author(s):  
Andrew Le Sueur ◽  
Maurice Sunkin ◽  
Jo Eric Khushal Murkens
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Civil Unrest ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Law Making

This chapter examines multilevel governing within the UK. It is organized around three levels of governing: national, regional, and local. For most of the twentieth century, Great Britain (England, Wales, and Scotland) formed a centralized political unit, with policymaking and law-making being led by the UK government and the UK Parliament. There was devolved government in Northern Ireland from 1922, but this was brought to an end by the UK government in 1972 amid mounting civil unrest and paramilitary violence. At the local level, there are more than 400 local authorities throughout the United Kingdom. These vary considerably in size, both in terms of their territorial area that they cover and their populations.

scholarly journals Mussolini Predicted a Fascist Century: How Wrong Was He?

Fascism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Griffin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World Wide ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Benito Mussolini ◽  
New Developments ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Right ◽  
Wide Community

In the entry on ‘Fascism’ published in 1932 in the Enciclopedia Italiana, Benito Mussolini made a prediction. There were, he claimed, good reasons to think that the twentieth century would be a century of ‘authority’, the ‘right’: a fascist century (un secolo fascista). However, after 1945 the many attempts by fascists to perpetuate the dreams of the 1930s have come to naught. Whatever impact they have had at a local level, and however profound the delusion that fascists form a world-wide community of like-minded ultranationalists and racists revolutionaries on the brink of ‘breaking through’, as a factor in the shaping of the modern world, their fascism is clearly a spent force. But history is a kaleidoscope of perspectives that dynamically shift as major new developments force us to rewrite the narrative we impose on it. What if we take Mussolini’s secolo to mean not the twentieth century, but the ‘hundred years since the foundation of Fascism’? Then the story we are telling ourselves changes radically.

scholarly journals 9/11 as False Flag: Why International Law Must Dare to Care

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Baker Benjamin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
September 11 ◽  
African History ◽  
The Us ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
International War

At the heart of contemporary international law lies a paradox: the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001 have justified 16 years of international war, yet the official international community, embodied principally in the United Nations, has failed to question or even scrutinise the US government's account of those attacks. Despite the emergence of an impressive and serious body of literature that impugns the official account and even suggests that 9/11 may have been a classic (if unprecedentedly monstrous) false-flag attack, international statesmen, following the lead of scholars, have been reluctant to wade into what appears to be a very real controversy. African nations are no strangers to the concept of the false flag tactic, and to its use historically in the pursuit of illegitimate geopolitical aims and interests. This article draws on recent African history in this regard, as well as on deeper twentieth-century European and American history, to lay a foundation for entertaining the possibility of 9/11-as-false-flag. This article then argues that the United Nations should seek to fulfil its core and incontrovertible ‘jury’ function of determining the existence of inter-state aggression in order to exercise a long-overdue oversight of the official 9/11 narrative.

scholarly journals Social Work and Community Based Disaster Risk Management in Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-132
Author(s):  
Sajjad Hussain ◽  
Saira Miraj ◽  
Rani Saddique
Keyword(s):  
Natural Disasters ◽  
Risk Reduction ◽  
Disaster Risk Reduction ◽  
Oil Spills ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Disaster Risk ◽  
Civil Unrest ◽  
The Government ◽  
Negative Impacts

Pakistan is exposed to various natural calamities due to its geophysical condition and climatic changes. In addition, man-made disasters also pose a threat to human lives and properties which includes industrial and transport disasters including oil spills, civil unrest, wars and conflicts. Although it is not possible to stop or prevent natural disasters, but the negative impacts of natural disasters can be minimized through human efforts. The government of Pakistan has adopted participatory approach as part of its policy for disaster management. This research paper is based on the analysis of secondary data for reviewing the existing policies with emphasis on disaster risk reduction in pre and post disaster period. The paper concludes that participation of target community is indispensable for disaster risk reduction on sustainable basis. The article suggests that community should be meaningfully involved in disaster risk reduction efforts at the local level. In this connection the role of social workers is indispensable for disaster risk reduction on sustainable basis.

De provincieraadsverkiezingen van 24 november 1991

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-262
Author(s):  
Marleen Brans
Keyword(s):  
Regional Differences ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Green Is ◽  
Comparison Of The Results

On the 24th of november 1991 the Belgian voters elected the 716 members of the nine provincial councils.The socialists are the biggest losers of this election, with the Volksunie as a close second. Also the Christian Democrats suffered a serious decline, mainly caused by the loss of the CVP in Flanders. The electoral gain of the Flemish Liberals is neutralized by the decline of the Liberal party in Wallonia. The Greens gain 32 seats, the Far Right 35. These national aggregates hide striking regional differences. The national success of the Green is mainly due to the spectacular growth of Ecolo in the Walloons. The success of the Far Right is the sole result of a multiplication of votes for Vlaams Blok in Flanders.  These results show that both the Flemish and the Walloon voters have sanctioned the traditional parties in a similar way. They opted, however, for totally different alternatives: the Flemish for the Far Right, the Walloons for the ecologists.The outcome of the provincial elections in the bilingual province of Brabant neatly mirrors these tendencies.In 1991 the outcome of the provincial elections showed a profile quite different from that of the national elections which were held on the same day. This is explained by the fact that the Flemish party Rossem, which won 3.2% of the votes, only ran for the national elections and not for the provincial elections. Hence, a considerable difference in voting behaviour on the national versus the local level. The comparison of the results of the national elections with those of the provincial confirms the claim that smaller parties generally score better at a lower level. In 1991 it can, however, not be said that the bigger parties did better on the national level.

scholarly journals The Greek economic crisis as trope

Focaal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 (65) ◽  
pp. 147-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Knight
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Historical Consciousness ◽  
Ethnographic Research ◽  
European Economic ◽  
Civil Unrest ◽  
Central Greece ◽  
Greek Crisis ◽  
Social Turmoil

The Greek economic crisis resonates across Europe as synonymous with corruption, poor government, austerity, financial bailouts, civil unrest, and social turmoil. The search for accountability on the local level is entangled with competing rhetorics of persuasion, fear, and complex historical consciousness. Internationally, the Greek crisis is employed as a trope to call for collective mobilization and political change. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Trikala, central Greece, this article outlines how accountability for the Greek economic crisis is understood in local and international arenas. Trikala can be considered a microcosm for the study of the pan-European economic turmoil as the “Greek crisis“ is heralded as a warning on national stages throughout the continent.

Land-Related Conflict and Electoral Politics in Africa

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Boone
Keyword(s):  
Land Tenure ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Scale Up ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
African Countries ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Land Conflicts ◽  
Land Disputes ◽  
Customary Land ◽  
Land Tenure Institutions

Land-related disputes and land conflicts are sometimes politicized in elections in African countries, but this is usually not the case. Usually, land-related conflict is highly localized, managed at the micro-political level by neo-customary authorities, and not connected to electoral competition. Why do land conflicts sometimes become entangled in electoral politics, and sometimes “scale up” to become divisive issues in regional and national elections? A key determinant of why and how land disputes become politicized is the nature of the underlying land tenure regime, which varies across space (often by subnational district) within African countries. Under the neo-customary land tenure regimes that prevail in most regions of smallholder agriculture in most African countries, land disputes tend to be “bottled up” in neo-customary land-management processes at the local level. Under the statist land tenure regimes that exist in some districts of many African countries, government agents and officials are directly involved in land allocation and directly implicated in dispute resolution. Under “statist” land tenure institutions, the politicization of land conflict, especially around elections, becomes more likely. Land tenure institutions in African countries define landholders’ relations to each other, the state, and markets. Understanding these institutions, including how they come under pressure and change, goes far in explaining how and where land rights become politicized.

Electoral Turnout

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Kasper M. Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Primary Schools ◽  
Public Awareness ◽  
Early Mobilization ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Electoral Turnout ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Unemployed

Turnout in Denmark is high and stable in local as well as in national elections. A strong sense of voting as a duty nursed in primary schools and by civil society, early mobilization of the popular right, effective automatic voter registration, and many social traditions supporting whom to vote with contribute to explaining the high and stable turnout pattern. Nevertheless, there are substantial inequalities in turnout in Denmark. In particular, immigrants from non-Western countries and the unemployed have low turnout. The many recent Get-Out-The-Vote experiments in Denmark have increased turnout not only through their direct effect but also through a general increase in public awareness of participating in an election. The experiments had the largest impact on the low-propensity voters and thus contribute to decreased inequalities in turnout. Despite mobilization of especially young voters, large inequalities remain in turnout across specific groups in Denmark in national as well as local elections.

Three Models of Democratic Meritocracy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel A. Bell
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Third ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
Voting Scheme ◽  
Political Meritocracy

This chapter discusses three models of “democratic meritocracy,” along with their pros and cons: a model that combines democracy and meritocracy at the level of the voter; a horizontal model that combines democracy and meritocracy at the level of central political institutions; and a vertical model with political meritocracy at the level of the central government and democracy at the local level. It argues that the third model is the best of the three and goes on to consider John Stuart Mill's proposal for a plural voting scheme, Jiang Qing's proposal for a tricameral legislature, and Chinese Minister Li Yuanchao's views on the meritocratic nature of selection at higher levels of government in China. Finally, it examines the implications of referendum for electoral democracy by citing the case of Chile in the second half of the twentieth century.

From Riots to Recession

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Scott L. Cummings
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Labor Studies ◽  
Civil Unrest ◽  
Labor Activism ◽  
Road Map ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
History Of ◽  
Contemporary Practice

Chapter 1 introduces the book’s goals, methods, and contributions. It sets forth the book’s central aim—to deepen scholarship on lawyers and social movements by closely attending to the richness and complexity of contemporary practice at the local level—and then describes the L.A. low-wage worker organizing campaigns through which this aim is pursued. The campaigns are situated within theoretical perspectives on movement lawyering, labor studies, and local government law, and then placed in historical context. Tracing the history of Los Angeles’s economic and political transformation—from the postwar era to the 1992 civil unrest sparked by the Rodney King verdict through the 2008 recession—the chapter shows how the campaigns grew out of trends producing greater inequality while also creating the organizational foundation of community–labor activism to challenge it. The concluding section provides a demographic overview of the industries targeted by the L.A. campaigns—garment, day labor, retail, hospitality, grocery, and trucking—and a road map of the chapters that follow.

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