The Current Structure of Special Education in Our Schools

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice M. Hammel ◽  
Ryan M. Hourigan
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Special Needs ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Opportunity To Learn ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Students With Special Needs ◽  
The Public ◽  
Education Of Students

Legal wrangling, court decisions, and the timeline of a bill as it becomes law are not always met with public scrutiny or interest. However, there are many seminal moments that have shaped policies, legislation, and litigation in the areas of civil rights and the education of students with special needs. The keystone legislation examined in this chapter has continued to define us as a country and shape our public policy. Influenced by the civil rights movement, parents and advocates of students with special needs learned that true progress for their causes is steeped in the court houses and lawmaking bodies of our states, districts, and in Washington, DC. It is through legislation and litigation that change becomes reality. It was through this paradigm shift that the lives of students with special needs and their families improved. In addition, advocates learned that it is also possible to improve the quality of life for all students. It is through inclusion and an increasingly widened lens when viewing differences and diversity that all students (those with and without special needs) in our schools have the opportunity to learn and grow with those who are different. The path for all, then, is expanded and enriched for the experiences shared through an inclusive and diverse environment. While Linda Brown, and all other students who are African-American are now eligible to attend their neighborhood schools, students with special needs are often bused far from their neighborhoods to be educated with other students because the school system has decided to segregate them according to ability and disability. If Linda had autism today, she might have to ride a bus for an hour and a half (each way) to school every day when her local elementary school is no farther from her home than the Sumner School was in 1951. We clearly still have a long way to go in delineating the rights of all citizens to equal access under the law. The Brown v. Board of Education (1954) case was very important to the cause of those seeking to have students with special needs included in the public schools.

Civil Rights and the Private School Movement in Mississippi, 1964–1971

2002 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Fuquay
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Private School ◽  
Black Children ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Massive Resistance ◽  
Housing Discrimination ◽  
Civil Rights Act

The signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was heralded as a tremendous victory for the civil rights movement, the fulfillment of a decade-long struggle to enforce the Brown v. Board of Education decision. Along with measures against job and housing discrimination, the Civil Rights Act included provisions specifically designed to overcome the white South's massive resistance campaign and enforce school desegregation. Despite the continued intransigence of segregationists, these measures proved successful and white public schools across the South opened their doors to black children. With segregationists in retreat and the Voting Rights Act on the horizon, this was a time of celebration for civil rights activists. But this was not the end of the story.

scholarly journals The Madrasa in Indonesia (Authority, Knowledge and Discourse Surrounding its Development)

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 231
Author(s):  
Syamsul Kurniawan ◽  
Muhammad Miftah
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Educational Institution ◽  
Poor Quality ◽  
West Kalimantan ◽  
National Education ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
The Poor ◽  
National Education System

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"> </p><p class="06IsiAbstrak">The focus of this paper is the madrasa in Indonesia and its development which is examined from the perspective of Michel Foucault regarding their authority, knowledge and discourse.<strong> </strong>The madrasa’s performance, which is still relatively low and unable to compete with public schools or pesantrens (Islamic Boarding Schools), will be examined from this perspective. This paper departs from the study of literature with a historical-sociological approach. The sources of the data come from the literature related to the history and development of madrasas. From Foucoult's perspective, the performance of the madrasa--which in its development shows a decline trend and is of relatively low quality and less competitive compared with general schools or pesantrens-- is closely related to power, knowledge and discourse factors. My argument is supported by the evidence that there is no an established “blueprint” for the supervision and development of madrasas in Indonesia, in contrast to schools or pesantrens. Likewise, the problem of interplay of madrasa policies in the integration of the national education system has put the madrasa in the midst of domination of schools and pesantrens, especially in the midst of society since the appreciation and level of community participation in the madrasa are not very encouraging. In addition, there is an opinion among the public which perceives the madrasa as the second educational institution after schools or pesantrens. This opinion is, of course, supported by empirical data, such as research from Nur Hamzah (2017) and Sukino (2017) which examined the madrasas in West Kalimantan Province, and revealed the poor quality of some madrasas in this area, which in my opinion is the "top of the iceberg" of the madrasa, especially in the outermost, interior and underdeveloped areas of Indonesia.</p>

Deferred Dreams, Defiant Struggles

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Black Church ◽  
African Ancestry ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Montgomery Bus Boycott ◽  
Bus Boycott ◽  
The Many ◽  
Southern City

Deferred Dreams, Defiant Struggles interrogates Blackness and illustrates how it has been used as a basis to oppress, dismiss and exclude Blacks from societies and institutions in Europe, North America and South America. Employing uncharted analytical categories that tackle intriguing themes about borderless non-racial African ancestry, “traveling” identities and post-blackness, the essays provide new lenses for viewing the “Black” struggle worldwide. This approach directs the contributors’ focus to understudied locations and protagonists. In the volume, Charleston, South Carolina is more prominent than Little Rock Arkansas in the struggle to desegregate schools; Chicago occupies the space usually reserved for Atlanta or other southern city “bulwarks” of the Civil Rights Movement; diverse Africans in France and Afro-descended Chileans illustrate the many facets of negotiating belonging, long articulated by examples from the Greensboro Woolworth counter sit-in or the Montgomery Bus Boycott; unknown men in the British empire, who inverted dying confessions meant to vilify their blackness, demonstrate new dimensions in the story about race and religion, often told by examples of fiery clergy of the Black Church; and the theatres and studios of dramatists and visual artists replace the Mall in Washington DC as the stage for the performance of identities and activism.

The Techniques of Disavowal

2021 ◽  
pp. 159-191
Author(s):  
Erin R. Pineda
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Public Memory ◽  
James Baldwin ◽  
Moral Standing ◽  
World's Fair ◽  
The South ◽  
Black Activism ◽  
The Public ◽  
The One

This chapter considers the limitations of civil rights disobedience in transforming white citizens. Building on the work of James Baldwin, Charles Mills, and Elizabeth Spelman and chronicling a “failed” protest at the 1964 World’s Fair, this chapter attends to the discursive techniques of disavowal that white citizens and state officials used to dismiss black activism as inappropriate, irresponsible, gratuitous, and violent—thereby avoiding the claims such protest made upon them, while preserving their own innocence and moral standing. In stepping outside the South and the familiar set of events that make up the public memory of the “short” civil rights movement, this chapter also suggests that some aspects of campaigns like the one in Birmingham were enabled—and publicly legitimated—by the very techniques of disavowal that limited the movement’s radical potentialities.

The Turning Point

2019 ◽  
pp. 301-352
Author(s):  
Steven K. Green
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Vatican Ii ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Public ◽  
Education Legislation ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

This chapter examines the various events that undermined the public support for church–state separation in the 1960s. It considers the impact of Vatican II, of ecumenism, of the civil rights movement, and of federal social welfare and education legislation on Protestant attitudes. All of these events encouraged Protestants and Catholics to find common ground in working for the greater societal good. These events also suggested a model of church-state cooperation rather than one of separation. The chapter then segues to consider the various church–state cases before the Supreme Court between 1968 and 1975 in which the justices began to step back from applying a strict separationist approach to church–state controversies.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
pp. 225-230
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
Quality Of Life ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Public Housing ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Recognition ◽  
The 1960S

The conclusion highlights Gloria Richardson’s increasing public recognition for her human rights activism in Cambridge, Maryland, during the 1960s and her place in civil rights and Black Power histories. Also discussed are her views on some current social issues, including the Cambridge city government’s privatization of the public housing units she and other activists fought to get built. Richardson sees this as an example of government’s abrogation of its responsibility to serve and protect residents and politicians’ use of their power to undermine communities’ quality of life. She also shares her concerns about President Donald J. Trump. Although he presents himself as an authoritarian politician, his supporters either cannot or will not acknowledge this because they believe in the myth of American exceptionalism. Richardson argues that today’s activists must use creative tactics—including the strategic use of the vote—to resist the countless ways governments at all levels try to limit and restrict people’s freedoms and liberties.

Binding consumption

2015 ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Alexander Joel Eastman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Economic Value ◽  
Black Press ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Public Spheres ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
History Of

Dozens of newspapers written and edited by people of color flourished in the last decades of the nineteenth century in Cuba. Through an analysis of black press periodicals representative of the main political tendencies between 1879 and 1886 this article examines the economic and socio-political contexts in which the black press operated and demonstrates how Cubans of color successfully carved out a space in the market of newspaper consumption. By examining the economic forces determining circulation and readership of these periodicals, it argues that black Cubans actively negotiated the public spheres of journalism and the marketplace, becoming empowered consumers and creators of information and economic value. This article foreground debates within the black press in order to analyze the history of the Cuban civil rights movement through the perspectives of people of color and to destabilize the notion of black political homogeneity. Black journalists and leaders with national and royalist affiliations vied for political positioning and debated over how to represent the people and the struggles of the raza de color.

Then and Now: Participant‐Observation in Political Theory

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
William E. Connolly
Keyword(s):  
College Students ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Constitutional Interpretation ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Science ◽  
The Difference

This article examines changes in the study of participant-observation in the field of political theory. It explains that in the early 1960s, political theory was widely considered as a moribund enterprise. Empiricists were pushing a new science of politics, designed to replace the options of constitutional interpretation, impressionistic theory, and traditionalism. But by the mid-1960s the end of ideology screeched to a halt because of growing outrage about the Vietnam War, worries among college students about the draft, and the emergence of a civil rights movement. The academic study of political theory was revived and a series of studies emerged to challenge the fact-value dichotomy, the difference between science and ideology, and the public roles of academics.

Keeping an eye on the global education industry A conversation with Anna Hogan

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-35
Author(s):  
Rafael Heller
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Global Education ◽  
Commercial Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Education Industry ◽  
University Researcher ◽  
Education Market ◽  
Online Schools

Kappan’s editor talks with Queensland University researcher Anna Hogan about the rapid growth of commercial activity in Australia’s schools and in school systems around the world. Private businesses have always sold textbooks, classroom tools, and other goods and services to public schools, and many teachers are happy to purchase and use them, notes Hogan. However, the biggest corporations in the education market — such as Pearson and Google — have grown so large, and are so eager to promote online schools and automated instruction, that teachers have reason to be concerned about the future of their profession, and the public has reason to worry that the quality of their schools will decline.

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