Sagebrush Rebels and the New Face of Conservative Politics

2020 ◽  
pp. 64-82
Author(s):  
James R. Skillen
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Environmental Movement ◽  
New Right ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The West ◽  
Conservative Politics ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Federal Authority ◽  
Federal Land ◽  
The 1950S

The broader political story of the Sagebrush Rebellion is less about roads or grazing AUMs; it is about how a regional challenge to federal authority in the West aligned with challenges from both business interests and religious conservatives in the New Right. Like the sagebrush rebels, conservative business and religious leaders were fighting back against the federal government, which had expanded its regulatory footprint dramatically in the rights revolution and environmental movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Together they forged a new coalition aimed at bringing conservatives to office and slashing the federal government’s regulatory power. And together they built a conservative infrastructure that would support future sagebrush rebellions and that eventually made opposition to federal land authority part of the conservative platform.

Glenn Beck’s Common Sense

2020 ◽  
pp. 135-163
Author(s):  
James R. Skillen
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
Tea Party ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Obama Administration ◽  
Tea Party Movement ◽  
Conservative Politics ◽  
Federal Authority ◽  
Federal Land ◽  
Federal Land Management

The Patriot Rebellion during the Obama administration demonstrated just how well conservative western frustrations with federal land management were woven into a national conservative challenge to federal authority, and it illustrated how well-integrated the militias were in conservative politics. Indeed, the line between mainstream and extreme political protest were blurred considerably compared to the Sagebrush Rebellion. The Patriot Rebellion was led by the largely Christian Tea Party movement, which used the language and symbols of the American Revolution to condemn the Obama administration and the federal government generally as unconstitutional tyrants. And it was carried further by the armed Patriot Movement, in which people claimed they were prepared to kill for the Constitution.

Equal Footing

2021 ◽  
pp. 201-230
Author(s):  
Gregory Ablavsky
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
Cherokee Nation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Equal Footing ◽  
Federal Authority ◽  
Indian Country ◽  
Northwest Territory ◽  
Federal Land ◽  
First Time

In 1796, the Southwest Territory became the first U.S. territory to become a state, joining the union as Tennessee. This new state promptly used its newfound status as a sovereign on “equal footing” with existing states to challenge the persistence of federal authority, especially over land and Indian affairs. A series of collisions followed: over ownership of the public domain; over William Blount’s odd scheme to use his supposed influence in Indian country to challenge federal power; and, above all, over the federal government’s attempt to survey the boundary of the Cherokee Nation, which threatened to dispossess white land claimants. Ultimately, the federal government preserved its formal authority even as it gave Tennessee what it wanted—a seemingly Pyrrhic victory that had important precedential consequences. In particular, when part of the Northwest Territory sought to become the new state of Ohio in 1802, the federal government sought to protect its authority. Most importantly, it decided for the first time to attach conditions to the new state’s admission that guaranteed federal land ownership, a practice that quickly became a constitutional norm; the new state also tacitly accepted continued federal authority over the state’s Native peoples. The result was that the federal government’s power to adjudicate property and jurisdictional conflicts survived despite state challenge; in the process, the federal government ironically became the most visible defender of the earlier, multipolar order against these states’ assaults.

Popular Constitutionalism Applied

2020 ◽  
pp. 164-185
Author(s):  
James R. Skillen
Keyword(s):  
Land Use ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Land Use Planning ◽  
Eminent Domain ◽  
The West ◽  
Federal Lands ◽  
Federal Land ◽  
Popular Constitutionalism

The Patriot Rebellion that swept across the West, driven by a mature infrastructure of conservative interests, counties, states, and individuals challenged the federal government directly over access to federal lands and economic development. States, led by Utah, claimed the power of eminent domain over federal lands and demanded that the federal government relinquished most of its land to them. Counties once again demanded control over federal land use planning, this time by arguing that the federal government needed to coordinate with county officials to ensure that federal land use plans met county needs.

“Weirdness in the West”

2020 ◽  
pp. 111-132
Author(s):  
James R. Skillen
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Land Management ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Law Firms ◽  
National Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Public Interest Law ◽  
Federal Land ◽  
Militia Movement ◽  
Federal Land Management

Unlike the Sagebrush Rebellion, which remained largely regional, the War for the West enjoyed national support through a conservative infrastructure of media, think tanks, public interest law firms, foundations, advocacy organizations, and militias. Frustrations over federal land management were knit into a broader, civil religious story of the American paradise lost, in which the federal government was portrayed as a tyrant bent on trampling the US Constitution, particularly Bill of Rights. The War for the West was led by the mainstream Wise Use Movement, which linked property rights to gun rights and religious freedom, and by the more extreme militia movement, driven by dark conspiracy theories and a profound antagonism toward the federal government. In the Republican Revolution, led by Newt Gingrich, the Republican Party struggled to hold together these mainstream and extreme factions to gain and retain power. This further integrated conservative, Western anger with federal land management into national politics.

Changing Challenges in the Modernization of Nacional Financiera

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Moreno-Brid ◽  
Esteban Pérez Caldentey ◽  
Laura Valdez
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Commercial Bank ◽  
Development Process ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
Market Failures ◽  
Market Segments ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Policy Bank ◽  
Preferential Access

NAFINSA was essential to Mexico’s development process. It served as the financial agent of the Federal Government and provided preferential access to long-term finance favouring selected business interests and groups. With the Washington Consensus, its tasks were reduced to correcting for market failures, becoming a complement to commercial banks, and focusing on attending the market segments falling outside the scope of commercial bank activity (notably SMEs). Although it appears as a successful story of institutional transformation, on closer inspection, NAFINSA has not been able to overcome key obstacles and its success in alleviating credit restrictions is very limited. NAFINSA must recover some of its functions, prerogatives, and responsibilities as a policy bank to become relevant in strengthening financial intermediation for capital formation.

Informed Consent: Ezenwa–Ohaeto between Past and Future Uses of Pidgin

Matatu ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chantal Zabus
Keyword(s):  
Informed Consent ◽  
First Language ◽  
West African ◽  
The Other ◽  
Wole Soyinka ◽  
The West ◽  
West African Coast ◽  
African Coast ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The One

The essay shows how Ezenwa–Ohaeto's poetry in pidgin, particularly in his collection (1988), emblematizes a linguistic interface between, on the one hand, the pseudo-pidgin of Onitsha Market pamphleteers of the 1950s and 1960s (including in its gendered guise as in Cyprian Ekwensi) and, on the other, its quasicreolized form in contemporary news and television and radio dramas as well as a potential first language. While locating Nigerian Pidgin or EnPi in the wider context of the emergence of pidgins on the West African Coast, the essay also draws on examples from Joyce Cary, Frank Aig–Imoukhuede, Ogali A. Ogali, Ola Rotimi, Wole Soyinka, and Tunde Fatunde among others. It is not by default but out of choice and with their 'informed consent' that EnPi writers such as Ezenwa–Ohaeto contributed to the unfinished plot of the pidgin–creole continuum.

Is There A Middle East?

1973 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikki R. Keddie
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Traditional Religion ◽  
The West ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
Cultural Sphere ◽  
Traditional Islam

The Middle East, as a geographical term, is generally used today to cover the area stretching from Morocco through Afghanistan, and is roughly equivalent to the area of the first wave of Muslim conquests plus Anatolia. It is a predominantly Muslim area with widespread semi-arid and desert conditions where agriculture is heavily dependent on irrigation and pastoral nomadism has been prevalent. With the twentieth-century rise of exclusive linguistic nationalisms, which have taken over many of the emotional overtones formerly concentrated on religious loyalties, it becomes increasingly doubtful that the Middle East is now much more than a geographical expression – covering an area whose inhabitants respond to very different loyalties and values. In Turkey since the days of Atatürk, the ruling and educated élites have gone out of their way to express their identification with Europe and the West and to turn their backs on their traditional Islamic heritage. A glorification of the ‘modern’ and populist elements in the ancient Turkish and Ottoman past has gone along with a downgrading of Arab and Persian cultural influences–indeed the latter are often seen as having corrupted the pure Turkish essence, which only re-emerged with Atatürk’s swepping cultural reforms. Similarly the Iranians are increasingly emulating the technocratic and rationalizing values of the capitalist West, and in the cultural sphere identify with the glorious civilization of pre-Islamic Iran. This identification goes along with a downgrading of Islam and particularly of the Arabs, which has characterized both radical nationalists like the late nineteenth-century Mîrzâ Âqâ Khân Kirmânî and the twentieth-century Ahmad Kasravâ1 and more conservative official nationalists such as the Pahlavi Shahs and their followers. The recent celebrations of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian monarchy, for example, were notable for their virtual exclusion of the Muslim ulama, though religious leaders of other religious were invited, and their lack of specifically Islamic references. In both Iran and Turkey, traditional Islam has become largely a class phenomenon, with the traditional religion followed by a majority of the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie, but rejected or radically modified by the more educated classes. With the continued spread of Western-style secular education it may be expected that the numbers of people identifying with nationalism and with the West (or with the Communist rather than the Islamic East) will grow.

scholarly journals Trumpeting through the iron curtain: The breakthrough of jazz in socialist Yugoslavia

Muzikologija ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 53-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radina Vucetic
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The West ◽  
Voice Of America ◽  
Record Industry ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
Specific Position ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Hearts And Minds ◽  
The Voice

During the Cold War, jazz became a powerful propaganda weapon in the battle for ?hearts and minds?. As early as the 1950s, the American administration began its Cold War ?jazz campaign?, by broadcasting the popular jazz radio show Music USA over the Voice of America, and by sending its top jazz artists on world tours. In this specific cultural Cold War, Yugoslavia was, as in its overall politics, in a specific position between the East and the West. The postwar period in Yugoslavia, following the establishment of the new (socialist) government, was characterized by strong resistance towards jazz as ?decadent? music, until 1948 when ?no? to Stalin became ?yes? to jazz. From the 1950s, jazz entered Yugoslav institutions and media, and during the following two decades, completely conquered the radio, TV, and record industry, as well as the manifestations such as the Youth Day. On account of the openness of the regime during the 1950s and 1960s, Yugoslavia was frequently visited by the greatest jazz stars, such as Dizzy Gillespie, Louis Armstrong and Ella Fitzgerald. In the context of the Cold War, the promotion of jazz in Yugoslavia proved to be beneficial for both sides - by exporting jazz, America also exported its freedom, culture and system of values, while Yugoslavia showed the West to what extent its political system was open and liberal, at least concerning this type of music.

scholarly journals Tendencies of the accentuation of adjectives in the written sources of the 1950s and 1960s in the West Aukštaitians of Kaunas

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Vilija Ragaišienė
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Semantic Model ◽  
The West ◽  
Parallel Forms ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Written Sources ◽  
Masculine Gender

The article analyses the dialectal material collected in the area of the West Aukštaitian of the Kaunas subdialect in the written sources of the 1950s and 1960s at the Dialect Archive of the Geolinguistic Centre of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language.        Based on the data in written sources the goal is to describe the peculiarities of the accentuation of the West Aukštaitian adjectives of this period and to discuss the tendencies of their accentuation.        The stress of the singular forms of the disyllabic u-stem adjectives of the masculine gender may have come down from old times. Maintaining the root accent of these forms is related to the forms the neuter gender of the stressed stem (suñku, šviẽsu) and the adjectives of the old o-stem (suñkas : suñkus).The pronunciation of polysyllabic adjectives in the West Aukštaitian subdialect of Kaunas is characterized by different accent tendencies. The accentuation of the derivatives with the suffix -inis, -ė varies most of the polysyllabic adjectives analysed in the article. More than a third of them are accented by two accentual paradigms – they have accentual parallel forms of the first and second accent paradigms. The accentuation of the derivatives with the suffixes -inis, -ė is only partly related to the accentuation of the root words. The accentuation of the adjectives discussed in the researched subdialects tends to be generalized by the second accent paradigm. The derivatives with the suffixes -ėtas, -a regardless of the accentuation of the root words, are usually accented by the second accent paradigm, cf. molétas, -a (: mólis 1), pūslétas, -a (: pūslẽ 4). Only the accent of the derivatives with the suffixes -uotas, -a can be linked to the accentuation status of the root words, cf. langúotas, -a (: lángas 3).The author of the article is of the opinion that the accentual variance of parallel derivatives with suffixes could have been determined not by one factor, but by a set of factors. The appearance of accentual variants is linked to semantics, the accentual and semantic model of two plurals and the accentual variance of the root words and is explained by the stress analogy of the same type of word formation.

scholarly journals Abstieg West durch Aufbau Ost?

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (135) ◽  
pp. 321-329
Author(s):  
Ulrich Busch
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
East Germany ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
West Germany ◽  
German Unification ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Stagnation ◽  
The Eu

14 years after the German unification East Germany is one of the largest European problem areas. Loss of population, economic stagnation and the dependence on transfers from the West determine the situation. With the expansion of the EU, East Germany can become the German mezzogiorno. In this situation a group of experts demands radical measures form the federal government. But these measures will worsen the living conditions in East Germany, which are already very different to those in West Germany.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document