The Political Geography of Descriptive Representation

2020 ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Beth Reingold
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
White Women ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alternative Theory ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Central Focus ◽  
Men Of Color ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities

Descriptive representation, or the presence of women and minorities in public office, is the central focus of Chapter 2. Why are some legislatures more diverse than others? Why are some constituencies more likely to elect women and minorities? Chapter 2 addresses these questions about the political geography of race, gender, and representation with an intersectional lens. It re-evaluates existing theories about the electoral barriers and disadvantages facing women and minorities and tests an alternative theory that women of color, through intersectional resistance and resilience, can overcome such obstacles. Based on an analysis of descriptive representation in all state houses and house seats in 2005, the findings suggest the electoral fortunes of women of color are no less constrained than those of men of color or White women. Rather, women of color face a variety of structural challenges—and opportunities—that are similar to and different from those faced by others.

Equality of Opportunity? Sex, Race, and Occupational Advantages in Promotion to Top-Level Management

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D Marvel
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
Occupational Group ◽  
Federal Agencies ◽  
Senior Executive ◽  
Senior Executive Service ◽  
Occupational Groups ◽  
Men Of Color ◽  
Micro Level

Abstract We examine how occupation, race, and sex interact to affect employees’ probability of promotion to the upper reaches of federal agencies’ personnel hierarchies. Three interrelated questions draw our attention. First, we are interested in whether employees who are members of an agency’s dominant occupational group are more likely to be promoted to Senior Executive Service (SES) positions than employees who are members of non-dominant occupational groups. Second, we are interested in whether any such occupational advantage, if it exists, is enjoyed equally by white men, white women, men of color, and women of color. Third, we examine whether the magnitude of dominant occupational advantages varies between agencies. We use rich, micro-level personnel data that span the years 1979–2013 to address these questions. Our results suggest that members of dominant occupations are more likely to be promoted than members of non-dominant occupations; that white men, white women, men of color, and women of color tend to benefit from this advantage equally; and that occupational advantages vary considerably between agencies.

Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 167-184
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Immigrant Incorporation ◽  
Multilevel Analyses ◽  
Immigrant Communities ◽  
Marginalized Groups

The concluding chapter offers a review of the main arguments and findings of the book and situates them in the broader literatures on women of color in politics, immigrant incorporation, and descriptive representation. Immigrant communities’ recent and possible future roles in reshaping American electoral processes are also discussed. The chapter specifically details how the intersectional model of electoral opportunity can offer more expansive accounts of the forces shaping descriptive representation, due to its embrace of multidimensional and multilevel analyses. This includes a discussion of how the representation of other marginalized groups that are not centrally featured in the book, such as LGBTQ communities, working-class and low-income communities, and white women, can be studied in future research using the intersectional model’s approach. The chapter closes by looking forward to upcoming redistricting processes and reforms that may address the structural challenges to equitable electoral opportunities and representation raised in the book.

Do Women Seek “Women of Color” for Public Office? Exploring Women’s Support for Electing Women of Color

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292097179
Author(s):  
Yalidy Matos ◽  
Stacey Greene ◽  
Kira Sanbonmatsu
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
News Stories ◽  
Black And White ◽  
The Media ◽  
And Gender

Scholars frequently invoke the term “women of color” (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gender politics concerned with descriptive representation and the extent of coethnic voting and gender affinity effects. Using original public opinion data, we draw on theories of intersectionality and social identity to hypothesize about how different subgroups of women respond to the prospect of electing more WOC to Congress. Consistent with group differences in the historic processes of racialization, our findings reveal considerable complexity within the WOC umbrella. Even within this complexity, we found that black and white women are the most distinctive in their preference for electing WOC. We contribute to the gender and race fields by identifying WOC as a politicized identity, and thus complicate and expand the study of descriptive representation.

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

Remedying Diploma Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Implicit Bias ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Political Skills ◽  
Compulsory Voting ◽  
European Unification ◽  
Nationalist Parties

How can we remedy some of the negative effects of diploma democracy? First, we discuss the rise of nationalist parties. They have forced the mainstream political parties to pay more attention to the negative effects of immigration, globalization, and European unification. Next we discuss strategies to mitigate the dominance of the well-educated in politics. We start with remedies that address differences in political skills and knowledge. Then we discuss the deliberative arenas. Many democratic reforms contain an implicit bias towards the well-educated. A more realistic citizenship model is required. This can be achieved by bringing the ballot back in, for example, by merging deliberative and more direct forms of democracy through deliberative polling, corrective referendums, and more compulsory voting. The chapter ends with a discussion of ways to make the political elites more inclusive and responsive, such as descriptive representation, sortition, and plebiscitary elements.

Citizens, Elites, and Social Media Methodological Challenges and Opportunities in the Study of Persuasion and Mobilization

2019 ◽  
pp. 1036-1058
Author(s):  
Philip Habel ◽  
Yannis Theocharis
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Big Data ◽  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Complete Understanding ◽  
Social Media Data ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
Media Data

In the last decade, big data, and social media in particular, have seen increased popularity among citizens, organizations, politicians, and other elites—which in turn has created new and promising avenues for scholars studying long-standing questions of communication flows and influence. Studies of social media play a prominent role in our evolving understanding of the supply and demand sides of the political process, including the novel strategies adopted by elites to persuade and mobilize publics, as well as the ways in which citizens react, interact with elites and others, and utilize platforms to persuade audiences. While recognizing some challenges, this chapter speaks to the myriad of opportunities that social media data afford for evaluating questions of mobilization and persuasion, ultimately bringing us closer to a more complete understanding Lasswell’s (1948) famous maxim: “who, says what, in which channel, to whom, [and] with what effect.”

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document