Do Women Seek “Women of Color” for Public Office? Exploring Women’s Support for Electing Women of Color

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292097179
Author(s):  
Yalidy Matos ◽  
Stacey Greene ◽  
Kira Sanbonmatsu
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
News Stories ◽  
Black And White ◽  
The Media ◽  
And Gender

Scholars frequently invoke the term “women of color” (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gender politics concerned with descriptive representation and the extent of coethnic voting and gender affinity effects. Using original public opinion data, we draw on theories of intersectionality and social identity to hypothesize about how different subgroups of women respond to the prospect of electing more WOC to Congress. Consistent with group differences in the historic processes of racialization, our findings reveal considerable complexity within the WOC umbrella. Even within this complexity, we found that black and white women are the most distinctive in their preference for electing WOC. We contribute to the gender and race fields by identifying WOC as a politicized identity, and thus complicate and expand the study of descriptive representation.

scholarly journals Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence Against Women of Color

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Racial Violence ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Racial Stratification ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Experiences Of Women

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist  and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However,  the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.

Race, Gender, and Emotion Work among School Principals

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Ispa-Landa ◽  
Sara Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Emotional Labor ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Novice Principals ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Managerial Authority ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender And Emotion ◽  
Over Time

Researchers have highlighted how gendered associations of femininity with emotional labor can complicate professional women’s attempts to exercise managerial authority. However, current understandings of how race and gender intersect in professional women’s emotional labor remain limited. We draw on 132 interviews from eight white women and 13 women of color who are novice principals. White women began the principalship wanting to establish themselves as emotionally supportive leaders who were open to others’ influence. They viewed emotional labor as existing in tension with showing authority as a leader. Over time, however, most white women reported adopting more directive practices. By contrast, women of color reported beginning the principalship with a more directive, take-charge leadership style. They viewed emotional labor and authority as part of a blended project and did not talk about these two aspects of leadership as existing in tension. Over time, their self-reported leadership style changed little. We analyze our findings in light of recent theorizing about gender and intersectionality.

Wanting, and Weighting: White Women and Descriptive Representation in the 2016 Presidential Election

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
White Women ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Group Identities ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Voting Decisions ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThis paper demonstrates that the relationship between wanting a descriptive representative based on gender, and giving that attitude weight in voting decisions, is weakest among White women voters. Among under-represented groups of voters, White women were uniquely positioned going into the 2016 presidential election—they had the option to choose “one of their own” in terms of race and gender. Yet, the majority did not vote for the White woman on the ballot, Hillary Rodham Clinton. This outcome is an opportunity to interrogate how descriptive representation functions in different ways across groups with distinct socio-political positions in American politics. I argue that the relationship between desiring descriptive representation, and giving it weight when deciding for whom to vote for, is different across groups. Using American National Election Survey (ANES) data, I show that this is the case in the 2016 election. Nearly two-thirds of White women who said that electing more women is important, voted for Trump. Moreover, White women's espoused belief in the necessity of electing more women had no significant effect on their ultimate vote choice. In contrast, the same desire for increased descriptive representation based on gender had large, positive, and significant effects on women of color's vote choice. This study bears on extant research considering descriptive representation's importance to voters based only on race, or gender, and on the broader literature linking group identities and voter behavior.

Career Pathways to NCAA Division I Women’s Basketball Head Coach Positions: Do Race and Gender Matter?

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie K. Larsen ◽  
Christopher J. Clayton
Keyword(s):  
Ncaa Division I ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Career Pathways ◽  
Division I ◽  
Head Coaches ◽  
Head Coach ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Women's Basketball ◽  
And Gender

In 2017–2018, more than 60% of NCAA Division I women’s basketball (DI WBB) players identified as women of color, while less than 17% of the head coaches of DI WBB teams identified as women of color. Larsen, Fisher, and Moret suggested differences in career pathways between black female head coaches and their white female and white and black male counterparts could be one explanation for the aforementioned discrepancy. However, there is currently limited research on the career pathways of DI WBB head coaches to support Larsen and colleagues’ hypothesis. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to analyze the career pathways of DI WBB head coaches to identify race and gender differences. To accomplish this, a content analysis was conducted on the online biographies of head coaches from all 351 DI WBB programs. Significant differences between groups were found in the number of years coaching in DI women’s basketball prior to receiving a first DI head coaching position; both white women (M = 6.97) and women of color (M = 7.94) had significantly more years in DI WBB coaching than white males (M = 4.95; F(3, 348) = 4.63, p = .003). Further, chi-square tests revealed a significant relationship between the race and gender of a coach and the highest level of playing experience and education. These results indicate that race and gender play a significant role in determining what pathway is required to obtain an DI WBB head coaching position. In addition to these research findings, practical implications are discussed.

Intersectionality and Non-Reporting Behavior: Perceptions from Women of Color in Federal Law Enforcement

2021 ◽  
pp. 0734371X2110061
Author(s):  
Helen H. Yu
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Homogeneous Group ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
Reporting Behavior ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Ethnic Subgroup ◽  
And Gender

Since the passage of the No FEAR Act of 2002, scholars across various disciplines have examined women’s reporting behavior toward sex-based discrimination. Most of the scholarship has concentrated on why women do not report sex-based discrimination, with this study being no exception. Missing, however, from this research is the intersectionality of race and gender, as most studies capture women as a homogeneous group without regard to race or ethnicity. Using a subsample of women who responded “yes” to having experienced sex-based discrimination ( n = 550) in the workplace but chose not to report the unlawful behavior, this study employs a series of mean comparisons to differentiate women’s non-reporting behavior by race or ethnicity. The findings suggest women of color as a group, as well as African-American and Latina respondents by their respective minority race or ethnic subgroup, have differences in non-reporting behavior in comparison to White women. These findings are important because they illustrate a more accurate examination of women’s reporting behavior in the workplace.

“Unlike Men, The Diamonds Linger:” Bassey and Bond Beyond the Theme Song

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meenasarani Linde Murugan
Keyword(s):  
White Women ◽  
White Male ◽  
Women's Voices ◽  
James Bond ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Mixed Race Identity ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Race Identity ◽  
Politics Of Race ◽  
And Gender

This chapter directs attention to Shirley Bassey’s voice as both constituting and contesting the white male gaze of the James Bond franchise. I consider Bassey in relation to the politics of race and gender as she sonically invokes a long tradition of racial mimicry by both black and white women singers. Bassey furthers this tradition in that her influence can be traced beyond her various theme songs for the Bond films in the more recent performances by white artists. As Bassey’s Welsh and mixed-race identity gives a different contour to our understanding of what and who constitutes “Britishness,” her synecdochal relationship to the James Bond film series also allows us to reconsider the possibilities for black women’s voices in cinema.

Rebranding Political Conservatism through Race, Gender, and Class

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khadijah Costley White
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Brand Identity ◽  
Tea Party ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
News Stories ◽  
Media And Politics ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
The Media ◽  
And Gender

The news media focused on race, gender, and class in contentious narratives that pushed people to tune their “headphones” into stories about the Tea Party brand. Branding shapes consumers’ tastes, desires, and loyalties and creates profit through the invocation of these types of immaterial qualities. This chapter examines the ways in which the Tea Party news stories emphasized class, race, and gender as key “intangible values” that helped to produce and reify the Tea Party brand identity. It also theorizes the Tea Party’s brand logic* through an analysis of what the news stories tell us about modern conceptions of race, gender, and class identities in the media and politics.

Race, Gender, and Perceived Employment Discrimination

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-527
Author(s):  
Philip Q. Yang
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Employment Discrimination ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
Self Report ◽  
Independent Effect ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Job Discrimination ◽  
And Gender

This study investigates the effects of race and gender on perceived employment discrimination using the 2016 General Social Survey that provides new data on perceived employment discrimination that aligns more closely with the legal definition of employment discrimination. It is found that 19% of the American adults self-reported the experience of employment discrimination in job application, pay increase, or promotion in the past 5 years. The results of logistic regression analysis show that either controlling or not controlling for other factors, Blacks were much more likely to perceive being discriminated in employment than Whites, but other races were not significantly different from Whites in perceived employment discrimination after holding other variables constant. While gender did not have a significant independent effect on perceived job discrimination, it did interact with race to influence perceived job discrimination. Regardless of race, women were somewhat less likely than men to perceive job discrimination, but Black women were significantly even less likely than White women to self-report job discrimination, and Black men were much more likely to self-report employment discrimination than White men. These findings have implications for combating employment discrimination and addressing social inequalities.

Barriers and Mitigating Strategies of Entrepreneurial Business Growth: The Role of Entrepreneur Race and Gender

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasha Conley ◽  
Diana Bilimoria
Keyword(s):  
Business Growth ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Female Entrepreneurs ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
High Performing ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Corporate Diversity ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Barriers To Growth ◽  
Racial Ethnic

Abstract In this study, we investigate the obstacles to growth and the mitigating strategies of high-performing (over $1 million in revenues) entrepreneurial businesses, and how these differ between businesses owned by Black and White entrepreneurs and between female and male entrepreneurs. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and qualitatively analyzed using grounded theory and thematic analysis methods. Findings reveal that the lack of access to capital is faced by all groups of entrepreneurs, but that Black and female entrepreneurs additionally faced racial discrimination and gender bias obstacles to their business growth. While all entrepreneurs used social capital strategies to mitigate the barriers to growth that their businesses faced, Black and female entrepreneurs additionally employed faith and prayer as well as business engagement in governmental and corporate diversity initiatives as strategies to overcome the obstacles. Implications of the findings for the entrepreneurial business growth of racial/ethnic minority and female-owned firms are discussed.

Sometimes Leaving Means Staying: Race and White Teachers’ Emotional Investments

2019 ◽  
Vol 121 (13) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Zeus Leonardo ◽  
Blanca Gamez-Djokic
Keyword(s):  
Teaching And Learning ◽  
White Women ◽  
The United States ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Modern Education ◽  
Critical Knowledge ◽  
Educational Spaces ◽  
Critical Understanding ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Relationship

Emotional praxis is not a phrase usually associated with teaching and teacher education. Yet when race enters educational spaces, emotions frequently run high. In particular, Whites are often ill-equipped to handle emotions about race, either becoming debilitated by them or consistently evading them. Without critically understanding the relationship between race and emotions—or, simply, racialized emotions—teachers are unprepared to teach one of the most important topics in modern education. This chapter addresses this gap in education and teacher training by surveying the philosophical, sociological, and burgeoning literature on emotion in education to arrive at critical knowledge about the function and constitutive role it plays in discourses on race. Specifically, the argument delves into white racial emotions in light of the known fact that most teachers in the United States are White women. This means that our critical understanding of emotion during the teaching and learning interaction entails appreciation of both its racialized and gendered dimensions, and attention to both race and gender becomes part of emotional praxis. Finally, the essay ends with a proposal for an intersubjective race theory of emotion in education.

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