“Standing Tall and Seeing Far”

2021 ◽  
pp. 277-296
Author(s):  
Rush Doshi

Chapter 12 examines the “ways and means” of China’s global grand strategy of expansion, discussing in concrete terms how it is building forms of control globally while weakening those of the United States. It examines this effort across three domains of statecraft, describing how Beijing has put forward global institutions and illiberal norms at the political level, sought to seize the “fourth industrial revolution” and weaken US financial power at the economic level, and increasingly acquired global capabilities and facilities at the military level—all as part of a broader effort to achieve its nationalistic vision of rejuvenation and displace US order.

Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-351
Author(s):  
Konstantin V. Blokhin

Article analyzes predictive estimates and concepts presented by the Western intellectual community, regarding prospects for development of new trends in the global economy, caused by the fourth industrial revolution. Author draws on a variety of sources, including reports from US think tanks, works by representatives of global financial and technocratic elite, and works by American intellectuals. Methodological basis of the study is a theory of the world system of I. Wallerstein, which allows to identify dynamic and conflicting lines of interaction between two geopolitical centers of the world - the United States and China. Based on an analysis of current trends, modern experts predict revolutionary changes in modern technologies that can decisively affect socio-political stability, not only in Western countries, but in developing countries as well. Author shows that the new technological structure is changing not only sector structure of the economy, but also has a strong impact on employment. According to American analysts, new technologies can destabilize socio-political stability in any country, especially in countries where cheap labor is a traditional tool. Robotization and automation of production can become a competitive advantage of the United States and Western countries in competition with China. Article notes that Russia is only at the very beginning of technological revolution, behind big five leading countries. Overcoming its lag in the field of AI and robotics requires adoption of comprehensive measures of economic, scientific and political nature. Ignoring realities of technological progress is fraught with increase in threats to national security.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-133
Author(s):  
Rush Doshi

Chapter 5 considers the political and multilateral components of China’s grand strategy to blunt American power in Asia. It demonstrates that the “traumatic trifecta” at the end of the Cold War led China to reverse its previous opposition to joining regional institutions. Beijing feared Asian regional forums might be used by Washington to build liberal regional order or even an Asian NATO, so China joined them to blunt American power. It stalled institutionalization in regional organizations that included the United States; wielded institutional rules to constrain US freedom of maneuver; and hoped its own participation would reassure wary neighbors otherwise tempted to join a US-led balancing coalition. China also worked with Russia to erect regional institutions in Central Asia to guard against US influence within the region.


1985 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Baack ◽  
Edward Ray

Despite the attention given by scholars to the military-industrial complex few studies have attempted to pinpoint and explain its origin. In this paper we argue that the coalescing of business, military, and political interest groups in support of a military build-up in the United States during peacetime occurred in the years between the Civil War and World War I. It was during this period that we observe the roots of institutional arrangements between the military and industry for the purpose of large-scale weapons acquisitions.


2000 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 55-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin L. Cook

In recent years, American military forces have been deployed in an ever-expanding array of humanitarian, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and nation-building operations. In practice American forces have often been reluctantly committed, and almost always with an extreme emphasis on force-protection and the avoidance of American casualties. Often this issue is discussed in the framework of perceived political constraints on American use of the military – in terms of how many casualties the American public will accept in exchange for a given mission. Beneath the level of the political constraints on American leaders, there lies a deeper tension having to do with the implicit moral contract between the United States and its military personnel. Although military personnel are required to follow all legal orders, morally the traditional contract between soldier and state rests on shared assumptions about the purposes for which national militaries will and will not be used.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 117-129
Author(s):  
Diego Ernesto Parra Sánchez

Unlike countries like United Kingdom, France or The United States, Spain never had a remarkable tradition in the field of Crime Fiction. This lack of solid tradition was the consequence of different causes like censorship, a bad consideration at editorial level and the lack of a deep industrial revolution which brings the urban conflicts which make this type of literature emerge. With the arrival of the democratic Transition, these transformations took place and, as a consequence of this, Spanish Crime Fiction experiments and amazing development born, precisely, with the aim of building up a critical portrait over this political phenomenon and its most relevant milestones taking the hard boiled literary trend from the North American authors as model. Being this one the context reflected by the Juan Madrid´s noir trilogy on Transition, this article intends to display an approach to it and its role as an unbeatable platform to rise up a critical review of this period from three perspectives: the political, the social and economical and that in relation to the media.


2018 ◽  
Vol 226 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-310
Author(s):  
Dr. Wasn Said Aboud

     This research addressed the study of one of the conferences held by the Iraqi opposition to unite its efforts against the Baath regime in Iraq. The research found that this conference came with a proposal and encouragement of the US administration, which was in a critical situation before the international community, which refused to use military action to overthrow Saddam. The US administration found in the Iraqi opposition a solution to its problem by presenting it as a unified and declaring an alternative to the rule of Iraq. Thus, the international argument that refuses to support the military option falls . Was the most important conference in which the US administration supports the Iraqi opposition and keen on its success in front of public opinion. Moreover, the conference largely reflected the contradictions and conflicts between the opposition factions. The conference clearly marked the beginning of adopting concepts such as sectarianism, nationalism and ethnicity among the political entities, which cast a shadow on the political scene in Iraq after 2003.


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