Scaling Up

2021 ◽  
pp. 74-100
Author(s):  
Paul Lagunes

This chapter addresses the scalability and generalizability of an intervention like the one described in Chapter 4. In the construction of public works, a lack of accountability results in corruption and inefficiency. The question, then, is whether civil society oversight that is explicitly supported by a relevant public authority with sanctioning capacity will improve accountability. Or, as is sometimes argued, does the added scrutiny demoralize and distract officials, causing undesired delays? To approach an answer, this chapter describes a field experiment that builds on a sample of two hundred district governments in Peru. Half of the districts were randomly selected to enter into a control group. The other half received letters indicating that specific public works under their charge were being monitored by a civil society organization with the support of the country’s leading anticorruption agency. The results suggest that, even as districts in the two groups completed public works at a similar rate, the intervention lowered the cost of public works in the treatment group. This is evidence that the monitoring intervention resulted in overall efficiency gains.

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 435-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baris Cayli

This study addresses the role and policies of Libera Sport, an Italian nongovernmental civil society organization that fights against the Italian mafia groups through sports. On the one hand, this article reinterprets and applies the cultural hegemony theory of Antonio Gramsci both to the Mafia and Libera Sport. On the other hand, habitus and cultural capital notions of Pierre Bourdieu are used to express the struggle between the Mafia and Libera Sport. This study demonstrates how the Mafia and anti-Mafia movement intersect in the “accumulation of actions” and create the “clash of habitus”. I argue that Libera Sport can realize its goals only if the clash of habitus is terminated by demolishing the institutionalized cultural capital of the Mafia and constituting its own cultural capital, which has not yet been institutionalized. During this reformative process, sports become a significant complementary anti-Mafia policy tool.


Cephalalgia ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
C Saunte

Autonomic functions have been studied in seven patients with chronic paroxysmal hemicrania (CPH). A test battery comprising tearing, salivation and nasal secretion was employed. Under basal conditions these parameters did not differ significantly from those in a control group. After stimulation with pilocarpine the patients responded rather inhomogeneously. This test battery may therefore help find and classify subgroups of these types of patients. During attacks, there is a clear discrepancy between minimal salivation on the one hand and the marked increase in tearing, nasal secretion and sweating on the other. CPH attacks may be associated with an increased firing of sympathetic impulses to the different organs. In the event of a uniform type of autonomic firing taking place during attack, these findings may suggest a different innervation pattern for the salivary glands compared to the other glands involved. The innervation pattern of these secretory organs may seem to be more intricate and sophisticated than hitherto assumed.


Traditio ◽  
1948 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 161-185
Author(s):  
Kurt Lewent

Cerveri was decidedly no poetical genius, and often enough he follows the trodden paths of troubadour poetry. However, there is no denying that again and again he tries to escape that poetical routine. In many cases these attempts result in odd and eccentric compositions, where the unusual is reached at the cost of good taste and poetical values. On the other hand, it must be admitted that Cerveri's efforts in this respect were not always futile. His is, e.g. an amusing satire upon bad women. One of his love songs, characteristically called libel by the MS (Sg), assumes the form of a complaint submitted to the king as the supreme earthly judge, in which the defendant is the lady whose charms torture the lover and have made him a prisoner. This poem combines the traditional praise of the beloved and a flattery addressed to the king. Its slightly humoristic tone is also found in a song entitled lo vers del vassayll leyal. Here Cerveri, basing himself on a certain legend connected with St. Mark, gives the king advice in his love affair. Again the poet kills two birds with one stone, flattering the sovereign and pointing, for obvious purposes, to his own poverty. The latter is the only topic of a remarkably personal poem in which the author complains bitterly that, while many of his playmates have become rich in later years, the only wealth he himself did amass were the chans gays and sonetz agradans which he composed for other people to enjoy. Cerveri even tries to renew the traditional genre of the chanson de la mal mariée by adding motifs of—presumably—his own invention. This tendency towards a more independent way of thinking and greater originality in its poetical presentation could not be better illustrated than by the two poems which the MS calls Lo vers de la terra de Preste Johan and Pistola The one puts the poet's moral argumentation against the background of the medieval legend of Prester John, the other, which forms the subject of the present study, sets its teachings in a still more solemn framework, the liturgy of the Mass.


Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.


2015 ◽  
pp. 8-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miikka Pyykkönen

This article gives an analysis of Foucault’s studies of civil society and the various liberalist critiques of government. It follows from Foucault’s genealogical approach that “civil society” does not in itself possess any form of transcendental existence; its historical reality must be seen as the result of the productive nature of the power-knowledge-matrices. Foucault emphasizes that modern governmentality—and more specifically the procedures he names “the conduct of conduct”—is not exercised through coercive power and domination, but is dependent on the freedom and activeness of individuals and groups of society. Civil society is thus analyzed as fundamentally ambivalent: on the one hand civil society is a field where different kinds of technologies of governance meet the lives and wills of groups and individuals, but on the other hand it is a potential field of what Foucault called ‘counter-conduct’ – for both collective action and individual political action.


Author(s):  
Victoria Yermilova ◽  
◽  
Natalia Stroiteleva ◽  
Zhanna Egorova ◽  
Ekaterina Vanina

Smoking and alcohol consumption is a growing trend among young people worldwide. The purpose of this study was to provide students with a comparative analysis of adherence to harmful habits (smoking and alcohol) on the one hand and the frequency of sports and academic performance on the other, taking into account gender differences. The research was conducted in 2019-2020 in 5 cities of Russia; the sample included 1500 people aged 18.4 ± 1.1 years, divided into three equal groups. The control (first) group had students who are not engaged in sports, and the second group comprised students practicing sports but not professionally. The third group was made up of student-athletes. All participants were surveyed to determine the frequency of adherence to harmful habits. In the control group, boys smoked 50% more often than girls (p ≤ 0.05), while in the third group, smoking among boys was registered 70 times less often (p ≤ 0.001). Alcohol consumption in controls was 0.5 times more likely among boys (p ≤ 0.05). Harmful habits affect young people's free time and reduce their academic performance and ability to practice sports.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajeev S. Patke

The paper explores the notion of cultural dialogue in terms of a specific application: the contributions made by the sitar music of the Indian musician Ravi Shankar to the setting up of a conversation between the musical traditions of North India and their reception and partial assimilation by largely Western audiences. A survey of Shankar’s career, contextualized by a more general discussion of the problems and challenges encountered in bringing the musical conventions of one tradition into conversation with the musical expectations and assumptions of another culture leads to the conclusion that what Shankar achieved, over a lifetime of creativity and musical fusion, was a partial success: on the one hand, it disseminated the auratic aspects of this musical tradition to a wide global audience; but on the other, it did so at the cost measured by purists in terms of a simplification or dilution of the music as practised in its original cultural contexts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 149 ◽  
pp. 01093
Author(s):  
Benyamina Smain ◽  
Siham Kamali-Bernard ◽  
Kenai Said ◽  
Menadi Belkacem

Self-compacting concretes (SCC), are hyper-fluid concretes, placed without vibration and are considered as one of the most important innovations of the last decade in construction. SCCs offer many advantages, due to their exceptional characteristics of flow and filling of formwork. Their compositions require a large quantity of fines in order to limit bleeding and segregation. Hence, the use of crushed sand (SC), rich in limestone fines (CF) in the manufacture of self-placing concretes (SCC), can be considered as an alternative source of fillers. These sands reduce the cost of SCC by reducing the high demand for fillers on the one hand and on the other hand, obtaining SCC with good physical and mechanical properties. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the effect of different percentages (0, 5, 10, 15, and 20%) of (CF) in crushed sand on SCC performance. The evolution of the compressive strength, the porosity accessible to water and the migration coefficient of the chloride ions were evaluated. The Okamura method was used for the formulation of all SCC mixtures. Sand/mortar (S/M), water/cement (W / C) ratios and superplasticizer content were kept constant. The results show that (CF) reduce the compressive strength but contribute to the reduction of porosity and migration of chloride ions.


2002 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Kelsall

In the 1970s politics in Tanzania was substantially a bureaucratic affair. Since the 1980s, however, economic liberalisation, multiparty democracy and governance reforms have on the one hand introduced measures conducive to building a legal-rational bureaucracy and a liberal civil society, and on the other accelerated political struggle for economic resources through personalised regional networks. Paraphrasing Emmanuel Terray, the first trend is described in this article as the manufacture of ‘air-conditioned’ politics, the second as the growth of ‘veranda’ politics. The article argues that donor reforms are not leading in a straight line to liberal governance, but neither is civil society simply being colonised by patrimonial networks. Rather, both ‘air-conditioned’ politics and ‘veranda’ politics are advancing simultaneously, inundating a previously bureaucratised political sphere. The dual character of this ‘re-politicisation’ makes the fate of governance reforms exceedingly difficult to predict.


1982 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Roberts

This article examines some aspects of working-class standards of living in three Lancashire towns, Barrow-in-Furness, Lancaster and Preston, in the period 1890 to 1914. By looking on one hand at a number of externally determined factors, such as real wages and the cost of living, and on the other at the strategies with which the working-class families attempted to maximise their standards of living, an assessment is made of the relative success of these various strategies, particularly at periods when wages were on or below the poverty line. Particular stress is laid on evidence from Preston, in part because it has not previously been reported, but also because there appear to be a number of significant variations between Preston on the one hand, and Barrow and Lancaster on the other, when placed in apparently similar intrinsic conditions and in comparatively close geographical proximity to each other. These variations underline the extent to which generalisations derived principally from statistical data may be misleading, and also the importance of looking at individual discrete communities before relying on theoretical models of the relationship between, for example, income from primary employment and standards of living. If it is possible to demonstrate that working-class people in some towns were more successful than their near neighbours in combating poverty, we need to identify the reasons for these differences. Factors discussed include the economy of Preston compared with Barrow and Lancaster, comparisons of wage rates, the employment of women and its effects, and diets (including the use of allotments), the effects of drinking, as well as a look at possible negative factors, such as family size, and housing and hygiene.


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