Two Ciceronian Traditions in the Aftermath of Machiavelli

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-136
Author(s):  
Michael C. Hawley

This chapter examines two parallel tracks on which Cicero’s influence was set during the seventeenth century. On the one hand, new natural law philosophers, Hugo Grotius and Samuel von Pufendorf, sought to vindicate a political order based on Ciceronian natural law. But in doing so, they tended to diminish the role of the people as ultimately politically sovereign. At the same time, English republicans such as James Harrington and John Milton sought to reconcile Ciceronian and Machiavellian republicanism, while minimizing the place of natural law. In short, the two pillars of Cicero’s original republican formulation became bifurcated.

Author(s):  
Michael C. Hawley

By any metric, Cicero’s works are some of the most widely read in the history of Western thought. This book suggests that perhaps Cicero’s most lasting and significant contribution to philosophy lies in helping to inspire the development of liberalism. Individual rights, the protection of private property, and political legitimacy based on the consent of the governed are often taken to be among early modern liberalism’s unique innovations and part of its rebellion against classical thought. However, this book demonstrates that Cicero’s thought played a central role in shaping and inspiring the liberal republican project. Cicero argued that liberty for individuals could arise only in a res publica in which the claims of the people to be sovereign were somehow united with a commitment to universal moral law, which limits what the people can rightfully do. Figures such as Hugo Grotius, John Locke, and John Adams sought to work through the tensions in Cicero’s vision, laying the groundwork for a theory of politics in which the freedom of the individual and the people’s collective right to rule were mediated by natural law. This book traces the development of this intellectual tradition from Cicero’s original articulation through the American founding. It concludes by exploring how modern political ideas remain dependent on the conception of just politics first elaborated by Rome’s great philosopher-statesman.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-792 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROGER MERINO

AbstractIn the last two decades, the concept of plurinationalism has appeared in discussions about nationalism, statehood and multilevel governance, being formulated as a new state model that accommodates cultural diversity within the liberal state with the aim of solving nationalistic conflicts in countries marked by profound ethnic grievances, mainly in Europe. However, these discussions have paid less attention to the meaning of plurinationalism in ex-colonial contexts, particularly in recent experiences of state transformation in Bolivia and Ecuador, where the role of indigenous peoples in the plurinational project has been crucial. To fill this gap, this article explores the legal and political foundations, challenges and local and international dynamics in the building of the plurinational model in both countries. Under a critical engagement with Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL), this article argues that plurinationality from indigenous perspectives departs from multicultural liberal models associated with current European plurinational views, and addresses two challenges: a global political economy of resource extraction, and a racialized state structure working as a barrier to actual plurinational implementation. These limitations explain an intrinsic tension in the Bolivian and Ecuadorian experience: on the one hand, plurinational governments try to unify the people around the ‘national interest’ of developing extractive industries; and on the other hand, they attempt to recognize ethno-political differences that often challenge the transnational exploitation of local resources.


2021 ◽  
pp. 155-177
Author(s):  
Sarah Mortimer

From the 1560s, tensions between Protestant and Catholics escalated and this was accompanied by a wave of writing on political and religious ideas, especially in France and the Netherlands. There was a renewed interest in the nature and origins of authority within the political sphere, particularly the importance of the ‘people’ and the ways in which their will could be both represented and controlled. This chapter considers some of the key texts of resistance theory written in the 1560s and 1570s, including Francogallia and the Vindiciae, Contra Tyrannos in France, and George Buchanan’s De Jure Regni apud Scotos in Scotland. Discussions of liberty and privileges in the Netherlands during the Dutch Revolt are also considered; here historically based arguments began to be supplemented by appeals to wider principles of morality and natural law. The election of Henry of Valois to the Polish throne provides one example of elective monarchy in practice. This chapter discusses the role of religion and of legal arguments in the development of resistance theories. It also highlights some of the practical and conceptual difficulties in appealing to popular sovereignty, especially in a period of deep confessional divisions, and shows how the authority of magistrates could be understood in different ways.


2021 ◽  
pp. 268-272
Author(s):  
Sarah Mortimer

This chapter draws together the themes of the book and looks forward to the later-seventeenth century. It argues that for much of the sixteenth century politics was subordinate to religion; temporal authorities needed the additional sanctions provided by religious belief if they were to exert any power over the consciences of individuals. The effect was to entangle temporal power in the deepening conflicts over religious truth, and thus to reveal the brittleness of any conception of political authority which relied on the support of the Church. At the same time, older traditions of political thought did not go away and often became stronger. The circulation of classical ideas, the discovery of new peoples, the growing interest in historical change and development all suggested alternative ways of legitimizing political power, often using natural law and avoiding any reliance on specifically Christian commitments. What happened in the early-seventeenth century, and most obviously in the writing of Hugo Grotius, was a move not only to ground political society in a particular conception of human nature (conceived of juridically, as a source of rights and obligations) but also to detach Christianity from that view of human nature. It was this understanding of human beings which enabled the development of a social contract tradition through the seventeenth century and beyond, and became an important source for modern liberalism. The questions it raised would help to shape the thought of the next century.


2004 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 654-680 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER SHERLOCK

The Reformation simultaneously transformed the identity and role of bishops in the Church of England, and the function of monuments to the dead. This article considers the extent to which tombs of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century bishops represented a set of episcopal ideals distinct from those conveyed by the monuments of earlier bishops on the one hand and contemporary laity and clergy on the other. It argues that in death bishops were increasingly undifferentiated from other groups such as the gentry in the dress, posture, location and inscriptions of their monuments. As a result of the inherent tension between tradition and reform which surrounded both bishops and tombs, episcopal monuments were unsuccessful as a means of enhancing the status or preserving the memory and teachings of their subjects in the wake of the Reformation.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter J. Pitts

The role of marketing communications is to advance the bottom line and the public good – and not necessarily in that order. Giving back is an integral part of the New Normal. And there has never been a better tool to accomplish this mission than social media.But healthcare marketing –and particularly of the regulated variety --is between a rock and a hard place. On the one hand, marketers understand the importance and opportunity in social media. It’s where the people are. It’s where the action is. But then there are all those pesky regulatory concerns.As Walter O’Malley –the man who moved the Brooklyn Dodgers to Los Angeles once commented, “The future is just one damn thing after another.”


Author(s):  
Jeroen M.J. Chorus

AbstractPhilip of Leyden's treatise De Cura reipublicae et sorte principantis (on the care of the state and the role of the ruler), completed 1355 - 1378 approximately, was first printed in 1516 and, again, in 1701 (the latter edition was re-issued, with a new title, in 1705). The treatise is usually thought not to have attracted much interest in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though it was not unknown in that period (see R. Feenstra's Introduction to the 1971 reprint of the 1516 editio princeps). Its reception between 1516 and 1701 may be deduced from four modern sources: R. Fruin's seminal study (1864, first publ. 1865), R. Feenstra's 1967 David Murray lecture (first publ. 1970), P. Leupen's book on Philip of Leyden (1981) and the latter's contribution to Ad fontes ... [essays for] C. van de Kieft (1984). Indicated are there, as writings from that period which mention Philip of Leyden and De Cura, one publication from 1517 and some eight from the seventeenth century. Some of these writings provide exact quotations from De Cura: so do the 1517 book and three others. They quote, in all, twelve different passages from De Cura. They are all historical works, but for one exception: Hugo Grotius' Introduction to the Jurisprudence of Holland. But this one legal work does not accompany the reference to Philip of Leyden with an exact quotation. In this contribution, dedicated to R. Feenstra, it is argued that Philip's De Cura was more widely received among seventeenth century lawyers than is usually thought. The reader is directed to the Decisiones curiae Belgicae, written by Paulus Christinaeus and first published in Antwerp, 1626. This copious work, in six volumes, was well distributed: six later editions are known. Now it is shown that twenty-six decisiones, collected in Christinaeus' volume V, contain references to Philip of Leyden. The harvest consists of sixty-three references, pointing to thirty-five different passages from De Cura.


1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Tuck

Many English political theorists of the mid-seventeenth century reveal in their writings an awareness that new political terminologies were needed to cope with the apparent breakdown of traditional ideologies. Such an insight is of course famously displayed by Thomas Hobbes and the early Hobbists such as Dudley Digges, in their treatment of orthodox Natural Law doctrines - ‘if we looke backe to the Law of Nature, we shall finde that the people would have had a clearer and more distinct notion of it, if common use of calling it Law had not helped to confound their understanding, when it ought to have been named the Right of nature’ wrote Digges in 1643.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan J. Criddle

AbstractThis Article explores three theories of humanitarian intervention that appear in, or are inspired by, the writings of Hugo Grotius. One theory asserts that natural law authorizes all states to punish violations of the law of nations, irrespective of where or against whom the violations occur, to preserve the integrity of international law. A second theory, which also appears in Grotius’s writings, proposes that states may intervene as temporary legal guardians for peoples who have suffered intolerable cruelties at the hands of their own state. Each of these theories has fallen out of fashion today based on skepticism about their natural law underpinnings and concerns about how they have facilitated Western colonialism. As an alternative, this Article outlines a third theory that builds upon Grotius’s account of humanitarian intervention as a fiduciary relationship, while updating Grotius’s account for the twenty-first century. According to this new fiduciary theory, when states intervene to protect human rights abroad they exercise an oppressed people’s right of self-defense on their behalf and may use force solely for the people’s benefit. As fiduciaries, intervening states bear obligations to consult with and honor the preferences of the people they seek to protect, and they must respect international human rights governing the use of force within the affected state. By clarifying the respective responsibilities of the Security Council and individual states for humanitarian intervention, the fiduciary theory also lends greater coherency to the international community’s “responsibility to protect” human rights.


Author(s):  
Dr. Agus Setiyanto, M. Hum

The background of the migration of the Bugis people is inseparable from the socio-cultural system that has been tradition in the lives of the people. One of the socio-cultural systems that has been embedded in the life view of the Bugis community is very strong, namely the so-called 'siri'. The Bugis recognize two types of siri, namely siri ripakasiri, and sirimasiri. The initial process of migration The large family of indigenous Bugis to Bengkulu in the seventeenth century, actually can not be separated from the role of the Indrapura kingdom as the gate way (entrance) of various tribes that came from the north towards the Benkoelen region (Bengkulu). Latar belakang migrasinya orang-orang Bugis sebenarnya tidak terlepas dari sistem sosial budaya yang telah mentradisi dalam kehidupan masyarakatnya. Salah satu sistem sosial budaya yang telah terpatri dalam pandangan hidup masyarakat Bugis yang sangat kuat, yaitu yang disebut 'siri'. Orang Bugis mengenal dua macam siri, yaitu siri ripakasiri, dan sirimasiri. Proses awal migrasinya Keluarga besar pribumi Bugis ke Bengkulu pada abad XVII, sebenarnya tidak lepas dari dari peranan kerajaan Indrapura sebagai gate way (pintu masuk) nya berbagai suku-bangsa yang datang dari arah utara menuju wilayah Benkoelen (Bengkulu).


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