“Nationalizing Local Struggles”

2021 ◽  
pp. 36-52
Author(s):  
Mark R. Warren

Chapter 2 offers a new model for understanding the dynamic relationship between local community organizing and national movement building. It highlights the critical contributions of local organizing to building the participation and leadership of those most impacted by injustice and to create organizational forms capable of sustaining campaigns to win policy changes. At the same time, it reveals the limitations of local organizing to dismantle a system of racial inequity deeply embedded in national structures, policies, and consciousness. It considers the contributions of national movements like influencing federal policy and challenging racist stereotypes and narratives. However, they are typically too narrowly focused on federal policy and dominated by Washington-based professional advocacy groups. Instead, movements can be stronger when they seek to strengthen and spread local organizing, “nationalizing local struggles,” and when groups grounded in communities most impacted by injustice share power with professional advocates.

Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Civil society organizations are, if not schools, at least pools of democracy. In the ‘third sector’, too, active engagement and participation ‘by the people’ have given way to meritocracy, or, in other words, to rule by the well-educated. Many popularly rooted mass organizations have witnessed a decline in membership and political influence. Their role as intermediary between politics and society has been taken over by professionally managed advocacy groups that operate with university educated public affairs consultants. First, the chapter describes the associational revolution, the enormous increase in the number of civil society organizations. Then it in analyses the education gap in membership and the shift from large membership organizations to lean professional advocacy groups, which has occurred over the past three decades. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the net effect of this meritocratization of civil society for political participation and interest representation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 238
Author(s):  
Louis Steven Sitanggang ◽  
Dian Pramita Sugiarti

Sipiso-piso Waterfall located in Karo District, North Sumatra can be used as a superior attraction because it has great potential to be developed compared to other attractions around Lake Toba because this waterfall is one of the most popular tourist attractions. However, there are several obstacles on the development of Sipiso-piso Waterfall tourism such as tourism stakeholders who do not cooperate well such as the provision of supporting facilities that should be provided by the tour manager, namely the Karo District government instead, provided by the local community. Based on this phenomenon, it is necessary to know the management of Sipiso-piso Waterfall and how much participation of local people in the management of Sipiso-piso Waterfall. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative. This research aims to To find out how to manage Sipiso-piso waterfall in Karo District, North Sumatra To find out how far the participation of local people in the management of Sipiso-piso waterfall. Data collection techniques using observation, interviews, and literature. Determination of informants using Purposive Sampling techniques. The results of this research is that the  community in the management of Sipiso-Piso Water Tourism Attraction at the planning stage is at the encouraged participation type, at the community organizing stage is at the spontaneous participation as well as at the mobilization stage, while at the community supervision stage is at the encouraged participation type.   Keywords: participation, development, local community


Societies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
April Jackson

This paper explores two policy efforts to revitalize public housing communities: education reform and HOPE VI. Chicago underwent transformation of housing and schools from 2000 to 2014. I examine school integration planning efforts of three local actors in a Chicago neighborhood and ask how do actors make integration strategies work? This research investigates how efforts to remedy existing segregation in a Chicago neighborhood combined housing and school integration efforts through a single case study approach comprised of 20 in-depth interviews. Findings show that two approaches encouraged fairness in the residential mix, but did not promote an integrated educational experience. The third approach shows how a purposeful integration strategy works as part of a place-based effort. This study provides a lens to understand ongoing local community organizing efforts supporting education reform in a Chicago neighborhood and offers lessons learned by local actors about effective approaches to address the barriers to building mixed income communities.


1999 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 255-257
Author(s):  
Lauren LeRoy ◽  
Anne Schwartz

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S601-S601
Author(s):  
Andrew MacPherson

Abstract The Coalition to End Social Isolation and Loneliness convenes a diverse group of allied stakeholders, including consumer and patient groups, health plans, community-based organizations, private sector researchers and innovators, and others, to address the epidemic of social isolation and loneliness. The Coalition is developing and advocating for bipartisan federal policy solutions to provide individuals the support they need to be socially engaged. This session will describe the role of the Coalition in engaging stakeholders, promoting innovative research, and advocating for policy changes that combat the adverse consequences of social isolation and loneliness and advance approaches and practices that improve social connectedness for all Americans.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura E. T. Swan

Abstract Background Contraceptive access is influenced by policy decisions, which can expand and constrict the contraceptive options available. This study explored the impact of recent US federal policy on contraceptive access. Methods Federal policy changes impacting contraceptive access over the past decade were identified in grey literature. These policy changes were organized into a timeline and analyzed according to Levesque et al.'s (2013) five dimensions of healthcare access (approachability, acceptability, availability/accommodation, affordability, and appropriateness), noting the most salient healthcare dimension impacted by the policy change and analyzing whether, according to this framework, the policy created a theoretical increase or decrease in contraceptive access. Results Of those policy changes coded as increasing (n = 42) and decreasing (n = 28) contraceptive access, most were related to the affordability (increasing n = 13; decreasing n = 12), physical availability (increasing n = 10; decreasing n = 7), and appropriateness (increasing n = 12; decreasing n = 4) of contraceptive care. Policy changes largely followed partisan divides, with contraceptive access increasing in years with a Democratic president and decreasing when a Republican president was in office. Many policy changes were related to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and Title X of the Public Health Services Act. The implementation of the ACA and subsequent updates to it have increased the affordability of contraception, whereas changes to Title X have decreased the availability and appropriateness of contraceptive care. Conclusions This study highlights recent policy changes impacting contraceptive access, organizing them according to the five dimensions of healthcare access. It outlines specific policy barriers to contraceptive access and provides suggestions for policy and practice action that will improve contraceptive access and reproductive autonomy. Opportunities to ensure contraceptive access for all Americans include promoting comprehensive sex education, extending the Community Health Center Fund, increasing contraceptive care options for people with employers who are exempted from the ACA contraceptive mandate, addressing discrimination and building trust in contraceptive care, and amplifying outreach efforts to combat misinformation and confusion created by continuous changes to key family planning policies. Continued research on the role of policy in determining reproductive autonomy is warranted, and practice and policy action is needed to improve contraceptive access.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194277862097235
Author(s):  
Ramah Awad

The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement has made enormous gains for the Palestine solidarity movement by raising political consciousness about Palestine, shifting the public discourse and debate, as well as making inroads into municipal and federal advocacy. BDS has popularized solidarity with the Palestinian struggle for justice and self-determination by offering a means of taking action through a coherent set of tactics and demands and by articulating the movement in universally understood framework of human rights and international law. Whereas BDS has been the dominant strategy for supporting the Palestinian struggle for justice and liberation, it is one method of solidarity among others aimed at growing the abilities of Palestinians to be their own protagonists in the fight for their rights, national aspirations, and return to their homeland. This article argues that to address the conditions subduing Palestinian self-organizing, BDS efforts must be paralleled by additional strategies to bolster Palestinian movement-building and restore broad, participatory Palestinian leadership. Drawing from these experiences and the multiple spaces grappling with this question, the author offers four key ways that Palestine solidarity efforts can further shift from a model of solidarity to a model of co-struggling with Palestinians globally. In doing so, advocates for Palestinian freedoms can more effectively link anti-colonial modes of resistance—those intended to apply pressure to and weaken the colonial regime—with a decolonial praxis that enables Palestinians to cultivate their own methods toward rebuilding their society. Building on BDS as the baseline for solidarity, the author argues that solidarity activists can further strengthen the Palestinian liberation movement by working to reverse the conditions imposed by the Oslo Accords through understanding and confronting Zionism; centering Palestinian political prisoners and refugees in our work; endorsing alternative and independent funding models; and supporting Palestinian community organizing.


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