Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 125-134
Author(s):  
Julia Payson

This chapter concludes by considering the broader welfare implications of city lobbying. The ability to pay for professional advocacy represents a double-edged sword for cities. Lobbying provides an essential tool for local leaders seeking to amplify their voices in the complicated and often hostile world of state politics. This is true for progressive urban areas—but also for high-income suburbs. However, while some states have recently debated measures to restrict local government lobbying, this chapter concludes that these efforts would likely do more harm than good in the absence of reform to the lobbying industry more generally. Otherwise, the influence of corporations and PACs will continue to grow, while local officials would unfairly lose one of the key channels through which they are able to advocate for local interests in state politics.

Author(s):  
Catherine G. Campbell ◽  
Shelli D. Rampold

Abstract In many US states, the power to regulate urban agriculture (UA) rests in local governments. Although there has been increased interest in UA, some local governments have been slow to adopt policies or ordinances to foster food production in urban areas or have actively sought to limit UA in their municipalities. To learn more about the disconnect between resident interest and local government policy, University of Florida, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences Extension and Center for Public Issues Education conducted a statewide survey of local government stakeholders (LGS) to assess their attitudes toward UA, subjective knowledge of UA, perceived benefits of and barriers to the implementation of UA and educational needs. Responses were collected using 5-point semantic differential and Likert-type scales. Overall, respondents displayed positive attitudes and moderate knowledge of UA, and they identified a number of benefits of and barriers to implementing UA in their communities. The findings of this study support the hypothesis that lack of basic knowledge about UA is one difficulty in fostering UA. Despite being positively disposed toward UA, LGS may not fully understand how to effectively develop and implement policies to foster UA. This finding may also help explain reluctance to adopt local government policies to support UA. Efforts to provide LGS key information and enhance their knowledge of UA may support the development of UA activities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Larichev ◽  
Emil Markwart

Local government as a political, legal and social institution finds itself in a very difficult period of development in Russia. The long-established tendency of its subordination to the state has intensified today in connection with the newly adopted constitutional amendments. At the same time, it seems obvious that further “embedding” of local government into the state management vertical, in the absence of any positive effect in terms of solving socio-economic and infrastructural problems, will inevitably lead to other hard to reverse, negative results both for local government institutions and the system of public authority as a whole. The normal functioning of local government requires, however, not only the presence of its sufficient institutional and functional autonomy from the state, but also an adequate territorial and social base for its implementation. To ensure the formation of viable territorial collectives, especially in urban areas, it seems appropriate to promote the development of self-government based on local groups at the intra-municipal level. Such local groups can independently manage issues of local importance on a small scale (landscaping, social volunteering, and neighborly mutual assistance), and provide, within the boundaries of a local territory, due civil control over the maintenance by municipal authorities of more complex and large-scale local issues (repair and development of infrastructure, removal of solid household waste and more). At the same time, the development of local communities can by no means be a self-sufficient and substitutional mechanism, whose introduction would end the need for democracy in the full scope of municipal structures overall. In this regard, the experience of local communities’ development in Germany, a state with legal traditions similar to Russian ones, with a centuries-old history of the development of territorial communities and a difficult path to building democracy and forming civil society, seems to be very interesting. Here, the progressive development of local forms of democracy and the participation of residents in local issue management are combined with stable mechanisms of municipal government, and the interaction of municipalities with the state does not torpedo the existing citizen forms of self-government. At the same time, the experience of Germany shows that the decentralization of public issue management which involves the local population can only be effective in a situation where, in addition to maintaining a full-fledged self-government mechanism at the general municipal level, relevant local communities are endowed with real competence and resources to influence local issue decision-making. The role of formalized local communities in urban areas, as the German experience shows, can not only facilitate the decentralization of solving public problems, but can also help in timely elimination of triggers for mobilizing citywide supercollectives with negative agendas. This experience seems useful and applicable in the Russian context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yang Wu ◽  
Yuheng Luo

Abstract Objectives To examine the time trends in Chinese children's sugar-sweetened beverage consumption and how sugar-sweetened beverage consumption varied by socio-demographic variables. Methods A total of 3316 Children aged 6 to 17 were investigated in the China Health and Nutrition Survey in 2004, 2006, 2009 and 2011. Their sugar-sweetened beverage intake and socio-demographic information were self-reported. Descriptive analysis and chi-squared tests were conducted using SPSS 20.0. Results The percentage of children having consumed sugar-sweetened beverage in the past year increased from 72.0% in 2004 to 90.2% in 2011. More boys consumed sugar-sweetened beverage than girls (81.7% in boys vs. 79.2% in girls, P < 0.05). Living in urban areas (86.2% in urban vs. 78.0% in rural children, P < 0.001), from high-income families (87.6% in high-income vs. 73.4% in children from low-income families, P < 0.001), aged 6–12 years (81.3% in 6–12 vs. 77.9% in the 15–17 age group, P < 0.05). Conclusions Sugar-sweetened beverage consumption has significantly increased among Chinese children. Being boys, living in urban areas, from high-income families, and of younger age are positively associated with sugar-sweetened beverage consumption. Funding Sources The present study is funded by a PhD research startup foundation of Jiangxi University of Finance and Economics. Supporting Tables, Images and/or Graphs


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Alan Lymbery

Pet cats receive bad press from conservationists. This is partly because there is an obvious link between pet cats and feral cats, and predation by feral cats is widely regarded as a key threatening process for endangered species of small vertebrates in Australia. There is also a perception, however, that pet cats are directly responsible for declines in wildlife populations, particularly around urban areas. As a consequence, many local government authorities have introduced regulations aimed at controlling cats, ranging from night-time curfews and confinement to complete prohibition of cat ownership. Greenaway (2010) discusses the approaches taken by local and state governments to control pet cats throughout Australia.


2013 ◽  
Vol 213 ◽  
pp. 19-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica C. Teets

AbstractIn this article, I analyse civil society development in China using examples from Beijing to demonstrate the causal role of local officials' ideas about these groups during the last 20 years. I argue that the decentralization of public welfare and the linkage of promotion to the delivery of these goods supported the idea of local government–civil society collaboration. This idea was undermined by international examples of civil society opposing authoritarianism and the strength of the state-led development model after the 2008 economic crisis. I find growing convergence on a new model of state–society relationship that I call “consultative authoritarianism,” which encourages the simultaneous expansion of a fairly autonomous civil society and the development of more indirect tools of state control. This model challenges the conventional wisdom that an operationally autonomous civil society cannot exist inside authoritarian regimes and that the presence of civil society is an indicator of democratization.


Politeia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kgothatso B. Shai

South Africa’s local government administration is complex in that both traditional leadership and elected municipal councils play a role in it. Traditional leadership occupies an essential position and status in local government administration, in particular in rural South Africa. However, the contemporary administrative jurisdiction of municipalities cuts across both rural and urban areas. In the rural areas, the conflict over the division of roles between traditional leaders and elected councillors is evident. Due to the influence and dominance of the neo-liberal global order, modernists often accuse traditional leadership of being undemocratic and authoritarian. However, the reality is that elected councils’ administration also leaves much to be desired, and the consequences of their poor administration are not uniformly understood. Since South Africa is a democratic state, it is expected that there should be a clear separation in government institutions between party (i.e., the ruling African National Congress) politics and public administration; a phenomenon that some describe as depoliticisation. Nevertheless, the realities on the ground suggest otherwise. This article, which is based on the theory of Afrocentricity, examines a selected rural municipality (Maruleng) in South Africa’s Limpopo province to critically reflect on the ethics and the value system of African culture in the context of local governance vis-à-vis Westernised governance principles. The aim of this research is achieved through interdisciplinary critical discourse and thematic analysis in its broadest form.


Author(s):  
Qiang Fang ◽  
Xiaobing Li

Chapter four examines the lawsuit submitted by Wang Peirong, an associate professor at the China Mining University, against the city government of Xuzhou, Jiangsu province. After Wang and thousands of other faculty and staff moved into their new university-built apartments in 1999, they found that the anti-theft doors of their apartments were defective and virtually useless. As a result, many tenants lost personal property to thieves. When infuriated homeowners elected Wang to complain to the local government, local officials simply ignored the complaint.


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