The dynamics of human expansion and cultural diversification in Southeast Asia and Oceania during the Neolithic

Author(s):  
Jean-Christophe Galipaud

Human origins in mainland Southeast Asia result from successive waves of migration from the north and west. The first crossing of large water gaps is attested by at least 40,000 BP with the successful colonization of Sahul. The rapid spread of innovative farming economies and their associated cultures develop from 10,000 BP in China and along the main Asian watercourses. Well-established farming cultures interact with coastal fishing communities by 6,000 BP leading to the development of extensive maritime networks. By 3,000 BP most Melanesian and Western Polynesian islands are settled by Lapita potters. The implicit link between the Lapita diaspora and the introduction of Austronesian languages into previously uninhabited islands has resulted in the Lapita period being often perceived as a genuine local expression of the early Austronesian diaspora. The picture that emerges today is a complex one which calls for a reassessment of the generally used ‘Out of Taiwan’ linguistic and archeological model.

1977 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvia J. Hallam

Following several discussions in recent numbers of Quaternary Research on the peopling of the Americas, this paper suggests that movements into the New World should be viewed in the wider context of subsistence, technology, and movement around the western littorals of the Pacific, resulting in the colonization not of one but of two new continents by men out of Asia. Specific points which have been raised by these recent papers are reviewed in the light of Australian, Wallacian, and East Asian data.(1) The earliness of watercraft is evidenced by chronology of the human diaspora through Wallacia and Greater Australia.(2) The simplistic nomenclature of chopper-flake traditions masks considerable complexity and technological potential, revealed in detailed Antipodean studies.(3) These traditions also have great potential for adapting to differing ecological zones, evidenced within Greater Australia; and for technological and economic innovation there, through Southeast Asia, and to Japan and the north Asian littoral.(4) The history of discovery and the nature of the evidence from Australia cannot validly be used to controvert early dates in the Americas.(5) Demographic data from Australia suggest that total commitment to a rapid-spread “bowwave” model for the peopling of new continents may be unwise.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-30
Author(s):  
Tuong Vu

The terms “decolonization” and “Cold War” refer to specific processes and periods in the international system, but they do not capture the full agency of local actors such as Vietnamese Communists. Based on recently available archival materials from Hanoi, this article maps those terms onto Vietnamese Communist thinking through four specific cases. The declassified materials underscore the North Vietnamese leaders’ deep commitment to a radical worldview and their occasional willingness to challenge Moscow and Beijing for leadership of world revolution. The article illuminates the connections (or lack thereof) between global, regional, and local politics and offers a more nuanced picture of how decolonization in Southeast Asia in the 1950s–1980s sparked not only a Cold War confrontation but also a regional war.


2014 ◽  
Vol 72 (suppl_1) ◽  
pp. i139-i146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew S. Kough ◽  
Claire B. Paris ◽  
Donald C. Behringer ◽  
Mark J. Butler

AbstractThe PaV1 virus infects spiny lobsters (Panulirus argus) throughout most of the Caribbean, where its prevalence in adult lobsters can reach 17% and where it poses a significant risk of mortality for juveniles. Recent studies indicate that vertical transmission of the virus is unlikely and PaV1 has not been identified in the phyllosoma larval stages. Yet, the pathogen appears subclinically in post-larvae collected near the coast, suggesting that lobster post-larvae may harbour the virus and perhaps have aided in the dispersal of the pathogen. Laboratory and field experiments also confirm the waterborne transmission of the virus to post-larval and early benthic juvenile stages, but its viability in the water column may be limited to a few days. Here, we coupled Lagrangian modelling with a flexible matrix model of waterborne and post-larval-based pathogen dispersal in the Caribbean to investigate how a large area with complex hydrology influences the theoretical spread of disease. Our results indicate that if the virus is waterborne and only viable for a few days, then it is unlikely to impact both the Eastern and Northwestern Caribbean, which are separated by dispersal barriers. However, if PaV1 can be transported between locations by infected post-larvae, then the entire Caribbean becomes linked by pathogen dispersal with higher viral prevalence in the North. We identify possible regions from which pathogens are most likely to spread, and highlight Caribbean locations that function as dispersal “gateways” that could facilitate the rapid spread of pathogens into otherwise isolated areas.


Author(s):  
Mark Donohue ◽  
Tim Denham

The spread of modern humans into and across Island Southeast Asia and the Pacific represents the earliest confirmed dispersal of humans across a marine environment, and involved numerous associated technologies that indicate sophisticated societies on the move. The later spread of ‘Austronesian’ over the region shows language replacement on a scale that is reminiscent of the period of state-sponsored European colonization, and yet the Austronesian languages present a typological profile that is more diverse than any other large language family. These facts require investigation. This chapter examines the separate, but intertwined, histories of the region. It shows that the dispersal of Austronesian languages, originating in Taiwan, should not be portrayed as a technological and demographic steamroller. This involves discussion of the nature of pre-Austronesian society and language in the south-west Pacific, and the degree to which it has and has not changed following ‘Austronesianization’.


Zootaxa ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 1675 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
RALF HENDRIX ◽  
ANNA GAWOR ◽  
MIGUEL VENCES ◽  
THOMAS ZIEGLER

Based on recent mtDNA analyses, Microhyla fissipes Boulenger was removed from the synonymy  with M. ornata (Duméril & Bibron) by Matsui et al. (2005),where previously it had been placed by Parker (1934). M. fissipes inhabits southern China (type locality: Taiwan) and large parts of Southeast Asia, including the north-ern Malay Peninsula (Matsui et al. 2005). As a contribution to future comprehensive revisions of larval mor-phology of Microhyla Tschudi, we here provide a detailed description of external morphology of reliably identified tadpoles recently collected from the Truong Son mountain range, central Vietnam.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Denham ◽  
Mark Donohue

The Holocene history of Island Southeast Asia (ISEA) is dominated by the ‘Out-of-Taiwan’ hypothesis and derivatives, such as the spread of the Island Southeast Asian Neolithic. According to these ideas, approximately 4500–4000 years ago, farmer-voyagers from Taiwan migrated southward into ISEA to subsequently acculturate, assimilate or displace pre-existing inhabitants. These processes are considered to have produced a consilience between human genetics, Austronesian languages and the archaeological record within ISEA, although recurrent critiques have questioned these putative correspondences. These critiques have proposed that each line of evidence should be independently evaluated and considered, rather than assumed to correspond. In this paper, the authors advocate a fuller engagement with and a deeper understanding of the spatial and temporal processes that structure archaeological, genetic and linguistic distributions within Island Southeast Asia. Geography and history are often marginalized in discussions of the Holocene history of ISEA, yet both are fundamental to the interpretation and reconciliation of multidisciplinary data within the region. These themes are discussed using aphorisms that are designed to be illustrative, namely to promote thought and reflection, rather than to be comprehensive.


1928 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. Simmons

Prior to 1900–05 South Ankole was free from tsetse.About 1906–07 Glossina morsitans crossed the Kagera northwards at three points: Kakitumba, Nyaruambu, and Kafunza (Tanganyika). Cattle in those areas were moved north on the advent of the fly, thus spreading it in small numbers, mainly northwards.The epizootic recorded in Ngarama and Bukanga in 1910–11 was due to “direct” transmission following the introduction of infected cattle from the south.The influx of man in 1914–15 through the Nyaruambu and Kafunza centres, chiefly the former, caused marked disturbances and rapid spread of the fly, principally along the line of communication to the north.The sudden withdrawal of the human element resulted in marked diminution of fly density, and the advent of rinderpest in 1919 destroyed an important alternative food supply, thus giving further impetus to the reduction.After a period of 27 years the tsetse had retired to those two points from which it had originally spread.The Kakitumba centre had not suffered human invasion, as did the foregoing, and no great activity of Glossina has therefore been recorded.The picture presented is that man himself has proved the greatest factor in that wide and rapid spread of Glossina which Ankole experienced during 1907–1917.


1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery M. Paige

Although the Department of State continues to attribute the war in Vietnam to “aggression from the North,” there has always been a suspicion among more enlightened public officials and most academic critics of the war that economic discontent rooted in the inequitable tenure arrangements of the Vietnamese countryside might have some connection with the vigorous opposition of the Viet Cong to numerous Saigon governments. Thus it is surprising to learn that, on the contrary, support for the Saigon regime is most pronounced in provinces in which few peasants farm their own land, large estates were formerly owned by French or Vietnamese landlords, tenancy is widespread, and the distribution of land is unequal. This finding is particularly striking since it is contrary to data from the rest of Southeast Asia. In Burma, for example dacoity and other forms of social disorder were most frequent in the deltaic area of lower Burma, a region of extensive tenancy, unstable tenure, massive agricultural debt, and large-scale absentee ownership by Indian financial houses. In Thailand most social tension is concentrated in the northeast, a region of poor soil and shifting subsistence agriculture, and in the Menam delta immediately adjacent to Bangkok, where absentee holdings are farmed by tenants. Most commercial agricultural land in Thailand is cultivated by owner-proprietors and it is this fact that explains much of the country's political stability. In the Philippines the Hukbalahap movement was concentrated in central Luzon, again a region of extensive tenancy.


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