Bentham

2019 ◽  
pp. 283-302
Author(s):  
Gerald J. Postema
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
Systematic Theory ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Reasoning ◽  
Critical Task ◽  
Modern Era

Bentham was one of the first, and among the most thorough, theorists of publicity of the modern era. Publicity is a pervasive theme running through all of Bentham’s moral, political, and legal theory; it is foundational to his thought. Bentham constructed a systematic theory of public reason, integrating utility and law into a complex framework for public reasoning, with a detailed architecture of public space, and constructing a network of key institutions and incentives for public accountability and public deliberation. He designed these institutions to secure the transparency of every exercise of ruling power and to encourage, educate, and empower the public in their critical task of holding officials to their responsibilities under the law. This chapter brings together the most important occurrences of the idea of publicity, documenting Bentham’s reliance on it throughout his career and demonstrating its centrality to his moral, legal, and political thought.

New Modes of Governance, Political Accountability and Public Reason

2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Weale
Keyword(s):  
Public Reason ◽  
White Paper ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
Electoral Accountability ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Reasoning ◽  
European Governance ◽  
Policy Deliberation ◽  
Modes Of Governance ◽  
New Modes Of Governance

AbstractNew modes of governance are said to create problems of political accountability. To understand this claim, we need a theory of accountability. Electoral accountability provides authorization and sanction, but it neglects the problems entailed in the requirement to provide explanation and justification. Political accountability in this discursive sense can be understood through the idea of public reason, where this is defined in terms of substantive rationality and an orientation to the public interest. This conceptualization leads in turn to the requirement of replicability and openness in public reasoning. The problem of accountability is one of securing the conditions under which the institutions within which policy deliberation takes place can merit the confidence of citizens in these terms, and the Commission White Paper on European governance is used to illustrate the application of these tests.

scholarly journals Society, Space and the Public Realm: Beyond Gated Individualism

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary P. Corcoran
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Public Realm ◽  
Third Places ◽  
The Public ◽  
Know How ◽  
The City ◽  
Modern Era ◽  
Late Modern

A feature of late modern society is the economisation and privatisation of social life resulting in a decline in the public realm. Judt has observed that we are drifting toward a society of ‘gated individuals who do not know how to share public space to common advantage’ (2010: 216). Similarly Oldenburg (1989) has expressed concerns about the sustainability of third places – places that occupy the space between the marketplace, workplace and home place – in the modern era. He argues that ‘third places’ are being replaced by ‘non-places’ – places where individuals relate to each other purely in utilitarian terms. Non-places promote civil disaffiliation rather than civil integration. This article argues for an exploration of the ‘spaces of potential’ within the public realm of the city that can help to promote relationships of trust, respect and mutuality. Acknowledging and promoting such ‘spaces of potential’ amounts to a challenge to the privatisation and economisation of social life. Moreover, it creates the possibility of a reinvigorated public sphere and an enhancement of civil integration.

scholarly journals Cities of "others" : public space and everyday practices

2009 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Vaiou ◽  
A. Kalandides
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Everyday Practices ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Material Space ◽  
A Site ◽  
Relations Of Power ◽  
The City

Abstract. This paper deals with the concept of «public space». It works with the ambiguities embedded therein, contrasting material space/s – the streets, squares, parks, public buildings of the city – with the other spaces created through the functions and institutions of the «public sphere» as a site of public deliberation. Focussing on the ambiguities of the concept allow questions of access, interaction, participation, cultural and symbolic rights of passage to be posed. Public space is approached here as constituted through the practices of everyday life: it is produced and constantly contested, reflecting – among other things – relations of power. Differences in gender, ethnicity or sexuality often lead to binary thinking, such as inside/outside, inclusion/exclusion, local/stranger. The way that such categories intertwine in everyday life, though, unsettle easy categorisations and force a questioning of strict lines of division. It is in this context that a proposal is made to discuss the city of «others», drawing from research examples which cross over such lines.

Rethinking Religious Reasons in Public Justification

2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW F. MARCH
Keyword(s):  
Human Activity ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
Public Justification ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Religious Reasons ◽  
Moral Questions

This article intervenes in the debate on the place of religious arguments in public reason. I advance the debate not by asking whether something called “religious reasons” ought to be invoked in the justification of coercive laws, but by creating a typology of (a) different kinds and forms of religious arguments and, more importantly, (b) different areas of political and social life which coercive laws regulate or about which human political communities deliberate. Religious arguments are of many different kinds, are offered to others in a variety of ways, and the spheres of life about which communities deliberate pose distinct moral questions. Turning back to the public reason debate, I argue then that political liberals ought to be concerned primarily about the invocation of a certain subset of religious reasons in a certain subset of areas of human activity, but also that inclusivist arguments on behalf of religious contributions to public deliberation fail to justify the use of religious arguments in all areas of public deliberation.

Ultimate Sovereignty and the Flexibility of the Islamic Caliphate/Democracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-322
Author(s):  
Mujtaba Isani
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Public ◽  
Islamic Political Thought ◽  
Book Covers ◽  
Public Views ◽  
Modern Era ◽  
Practical Implications

Abstract March’s exceptional book profoundly deals with the ideas of popular sovereignty and the Caliphate in modern Islamic political thought. While this book covers the concept of popular sovereignty in quite detail, March’s portrayal fails to convince the reader whether or not Islamic democracies are possible as a result. Based on previous work on medieval Islamic political thought and public attitudes towards the Caliphate, I argue that conceptions of Islamic government have differed according to context, place and time, and in the modern era the public views the Caliphate as a vehicle for justice and welfare. This implies that Islamic government can still be broadly based on the principles of modern Islamic political thought while the exact institutional configurations may still be able to differ according to place, time and context. In conclusion, while March’s book carefully synthesizes the theoretical debates, it might not have far-reaching practical implications for Islamic democracy.

scholarly journals From public reason to deliberative democracy

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 237-256
Author(s):  
Ivan Mladenovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Relationship

In this paper I shall investigate the relationship between public reason and deliberative democracy, mainly as it is presented in Rawls?s later political theory. Against the critics who claim that Rawls has no deliberative democratic theory, I shall argue that he presented a complex view of public deliberation that contains a set of formal and substantive requirements derived from the idea of public reason. My main aim in this paper is to defend and further elaborate the thesis that Rawls?s later political theory is crucially important for deliberative democracy. Furthermore, in light of the recent literature on deliberative democracy, I examine the relevance of Rawls?s view for addressing some current problems, but also look at some limits of the public reason perspective.

scholarly journals REPRESENTASI KHILAFAH DALAM PEMERINTAHAN REPUBLIK SPIRITUAL

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Nurkhalis Nurkhalis
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Religious Knowledge ◽  
Ibn Khaldun ◽  
The Public ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Ibn Taymiyya ◽  
The Government ◽  
Critical Interpretation ◽  
Modern Era

Abstract Khilafah cut off after the Ottoman Caliphate so that is no longer found of the Islamic government in the modern era. Then al-Afghani and M. Abduh reappeared the khilafah to the expression of wahdat al-Islamiyah which idea’s Rashid Ridha turned to a new term into Pan Islamism. This study is a literature study (library research) where the source data obtained from books of khilafah and Islamic government thinkers. Data were analyzed using critical interpretation analysis methods from Khomeini and al-Juwaini's thoughts including data reduction, data exposure, and conclusion. Based on the accumulation of theory among others Al-Mawdudi made it possible to divert Islamic rule to democracy. Hasan al-Banna socialized the return system of the khilafah. Ibn Khaldun hinted that the breaking of the Caliphate signifies that every state has a final period of government so that the caliphate system will not be permanent until the state fell in the territorial nations. Iqbal criticizes Islam not nationalism and even imperialism but the commonwealth nations without racial and demarcation. Al-Shatibi maintains the spirit of the maqashid shari'ah in the Islamic government. Imam Khomeini switched to the wilayat al-faqih. Ibn Taymiyya states that the complexity of establishing the Islamic Government is as complex as determining Islamic scholars. Al-Juwaini offers a solution to the concept of ghiyatsi namely the government that emphasizes the shari'ah that continues to be discussed in searching for the best format. The modern era is certainly running the Islamic Government only through the government of the spiritual republic by not lifting ahlu zimmah (non Muslim), ahlu kitab, munafiq (hipocrit), zindiq (orientalist), dayyus, musyrik (idolatry), dahriyyun (atheis), ashab'ah (naturalist) become government leaders. Preferred leaders who have be ahl muruwwah (authority) ie people who have previous life records in a measurable and open goodness in the public space for executive, legislative and judicial candidates performed fit and proper test by people who have the same religious knowledge with the fuqaha. Keywords: Khilafah, Islam, Government, and Spiritual Republic   Abstrak Khilafah terputus pasca Khalifah Utsmaniyah sehingga hampir tidak ditemukan lagi bentuk Pemerintahan Islam di era modern. Kemudian al-Afghani dan M. Abduh merekonstruksi khilafah kepada Wahdat al-Islamiyah yang kemudian Rashid Ridha mengalihkan ke istilah baru menjadi Pan Islamisme. Kajian ini dilakukan melalui studi kepustakaan di mana sumber datanya diperoleh dari buku dan kitab dari pemikir khilafah dan pemerintahan Islam. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode analisis interpretasi kritis dari pemikiran Khomeini dan al-Juwaini meliputi reduksi data, pemaparan data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Akumulasi teori pemerintahan Islam dari beberapa intelektual Islam diantaranya Al-Maududi memungkinkan pergeseran pemerintahan Islam ke demokrasi. Hasan al-Banna mengajak mensosialisasikan pengembalian sistem khilafah. Ibnu Khaldun mengisyaratkan terputusnya khilafah menandakan setiap negara memiliki masa akhir pemerintahan menyebabkan sistem khilafah tidak akan permanen hingga terbentuk negara dalam territorial bangsa-bangsa. Iqbal mengkritisi Islam bukan nasionalisme bahkan imperialisme melainkan bangsa-bangsa persemakmuran tanpa rasial dan demarkasi. Al-Shatibi mempertahankan adanya ruh maqashid syari‘ah dalam pemerintahan Islam. Imam Khomeini beralih berpedoman kepada wilayah al-faqih. Ibnu Taimiyah menyatakan bahwa dharurat mendirikan Pemerintahan Islam sebagaimana dharurat menentukan ahli Islam. Al-Juwaini menawarkan solusi kepada konsep ghiyatsi yakni pemerintahan yang mementingkan syari‘at yang terus didiskusikan dalam mencari format yang terbaik. Era modern kepastian menjalankan Pemerintahan Islam hanya melalui pemerintahan republik spiritual dengan tidak menjadikan ahlu zimmah (non muslim), ahlu kitab, munafiq, musyrik, dahriyyun (atheis), ashab’ah (naturalis) menjadi pemimpin pemerintahan. Pemimpin diutamakan yang mempunyai ahl muruwwah (kewibawaan) yakni orang yang memiliki catatan hidup sebelumnya dalam kebaikan yang terukur dan terbuka di ruang publik bagi kandidat eksekutif, legislatif dan yudikatif dilakukan fit and proper test oleh orang yang memiliki religius yang sama ilmunya dengan fuqaha. Kata Kunci: Khilafah, Islam, Pemerintahan, dan Republik Spiritual

scholarly journals Religious Trend in Contemporary Indonesia: Conservatism Domination on Social Media

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dita Kirana ◽  
Endi Aulia Garadian
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Development Program ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Beliefs And Practices ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Economic Development Program ◽  
Economic Modernization ◽  
Modern Era

Religion is predicted to dissipate from social significance through the processes of development or economic modernization. Classical secularization theory forecasted religion in the modern era will face some circumstances such as 1) the decline of personal faith, religious beliefs and practices; and (2) the retreat of religion from public space (Cassanova: 1994, 2010). However, the supporters of secularization and modernization theories failed to notice that religion did not disappear from the public sphere. The opposite occurs in Southeast Asia. Economic development program and modernization could work hand-in-hand with religion in the region (Feener and Fountain: 2018).In the context of Indonesia, the issue of religion has gone through ups and downs. The story of Indonesia’s revival of Islam had been begun when the country experienced anti-communist campaigns of 1965-66 (McVey: 2006).  Since then, the government obliged all of its societies to profess one of Indonesia’s recognized religions: Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, and Hinduism (now Confucianism has been added to the list) (Qurtuby: 2013).  The pressure for all citizens to embrace one particular recognized religion resulted in great conversion from local religions/faiths—Hindu, Buddha, abangan, etc.—to Islam (Hefner: 1987a, 1987b, 1989; cf. Beatty: 1999). It then witnesses rapid growth of the grassroots Islam and the spread of Islamization (Houben: 2003).

scholarly journals The Public Opinion In The Modern History Of Political Thought According To Jurgen Habermas

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (23) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Enkelejda Hamzaj
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Other ◽  
History Of Political Thought ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
History Of ◽  
Modern Era

Is not easy to make in a few lines a presentation of Habermas's thinking regarding to public opinion in the history of political thought. One of the most interesting sections of all habermasian discussion – developed not only in his opera History and critiques of public opinion but in others too – lies in clarifying how the public opinion concept was evaluate by philosophers of different political orientations during the modern era. According to Habermas, to do this analysis should go under the tracks of Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel. Some of these authors appreciate and value the role of the public opinion while others do not believe in its function. It is not a coincidence that the"classic" treatment of the public opinion concept culminates with Kant, the author, who is considered one of the greatest luminaries in Europe. While we find in Hegel a devaluation of the public opinion, compared with the science, and this depreciation is parallel to the depreciation of the civil society against the State. On the other side we will see other contemporary authors analysis regarding public opinion, like Nicola Matteuci and Giuseppe Bedeschi and their thoughts compared with Habermas thoughts. To understand the function of public opinion I will show its specific characteristics throughout history from the Greek polis up to the French Revolution and the creation of the bourgeoisie class.

scholarly journals El espacio de lo público en la filosofía política de Kant

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (85) ◽  
pp. 3-39
Author(s):  
Nora Rabotnikof
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophy Of Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
Basic Task

Kant rehabilitates, in his so-called “political writings” and in his philosophy of law, the notion of public reason as a control instance of legislation and of the political measures which affect a community. The “public use” of reason fulfills, in the first place, a basic task of enlightment. But it also has other ramifications. By means of the formulation of the publicity principle, the predicate “public” (in the sense of something being visible) can be brought to bear on the practicing of power. And finally, presupposing a public use of reason may allow us to reach public coincidence, i.e., a consensus in the elaboration of the rational will. The first goal of the paper is to examine the political scope of such rehabilitation of public reason. The second goal is to formulate a number of problems which emerge, since Kant, whenever the issue of public space is approached. Finally, a few questions are posed bearing on Kant’s conception of politics: although politics appears to fall under the larger categories of morals and law in Kant’s writings, the author seems in some places to hint at a recognition of a prudential sphere for politics alone which, however, must be made compatible with morals and law. [Traducción: Héctor Islas]

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