Autumn 1652

1652 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 215-258
Author(s):  
David Parrott

The chapter pursues two main narratives. It describes the near destruction of the royalist army commanded by Turenne, blockaded south of Paris by the combined forces of Condé, Lorraine, and allied Spanish troops. Turenne’s success in escaping this trap and freeing his army to disrupt Condé’s positions around Paris precipitated Condé’s October decision to move his forces eastwards to establish himself on the French frontiers. Meanwhile, the last and most extensive phase of negotiations for a settlement between Mazarin and Condé had been unfolding. The exceptionally generous concessions offered to Condé and his party during this phase were overwhelmingly driven by Mazarin’s concern that he would otherwise be consigned to permanent exile, blocked from re-entering France. The failure of the negotiations owed little to notions that Mazarin was playing a game of masterly duplicity, but reflected the outright rejection of Mazarin’s extensive concessions by the queen and many at court and government, who considered them an unacceptably high price for securing a settlement. One consequence was the missed opportunity to prevent Condé’s move into Spanish military service. The other was the erosion of Mazarin’s standing—he was still trapped on the frontiers when Louis XIV and the court moved back into Paris to receive the allegiance of the city and its institutions and to bring the civil war to an end. The price of the failure to secure a settlement was to be paid by both Condé and Mazarin throughout the 1650s.

1960 ◽  
Vol 80 ◽  
pp. 181-190
Author(s):  
K. H. Waters

In his article entitled ‘Solon and the Megarian Question’ (JHSlxxvii) Mr A. French has given a valuable exposition of Solon's economic reforms in their relation to the strategic necessities of Athenian overseas trade. This, however, leads him to an assessment of the statesman's policy which it is rather difficult to accept, conflicting as it does both with tradition and the general probabilities of the situation. Further, it is partly based on an interpretation of a passage in Plutarch which is, I think, mistaken and indeed impossible, although it has been adopted by most authorities. Mr French's argument may be summarised as follows:(1) In the pre-Solonian era the sea route to South Attica and Phaleron, still more to Mounychia, was dominated by a hostile Megara owing to her control of Salamis; hence only the ports of East Attica were available for overseas trade in bulk cargoes. Early imports of grain and timber would have been from Thessaly, for which these ports were particularly convenient.(2) However, increasing population and the decline in soil fertility made it desirable to import wheat in large quantities from the Black Sea; this would necessitate delivery at a port nearer the city and therefore control of Salamis to prevent Megarian interference on top of the other considerable hazards of the Black Sea voyage. It would also necessitate a high price which, though in accordance with the internal agricultural conditions, would diminish the advantages of the additional external supplies to the impoverished population of Attica. The Athenian government must either embark on a naval programme, and fight Megara for Salamis, or use less grain, which meant limiting the population.


Belleten ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 80 (289) ◽  
pp. 719-740
Author(s):  
Abdurrahman Uzunaslan

An inscription dated to the beginning of the 3rd century AD, and found within the city limits of Antiocheia in 2011, honors the legion Chief Physician L. Hortensius Paulinus, who is believed to have settled in the city following his retirement. According to this inscription, L. Hortensius Paulinus assumed highly important public offices and duties in the city. This person had also served in the legio IV Flavia Felix and Legio II Italica, although the legion with which he first arrived to the East, as well as his exact assignment within these two legions, remain unclear. Possible reasons for his presence in the East might have been the exacerbation of the war between the Roman and Parthia Empires towards the end of the 2nd century AD, or the civil war between Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger since most of the legions from the Danube Basin and the Balkan Peninsula had sided with Septimius Severus during this civil war, including legio IV Flavia Felix and the Legio II Italica. The chronological order and content of the inscription suggest that L. Hortensius Paulinus had most likely traveled to the East with the legio II Italica due to the civil war; if this was indeed the case, L. Hortensius Paulinus must have arrived to the East in 193/4 AD at the earliest. The fact that the legio II Italica created by Marcus Aurelius was entirely constituted of solders from Northern Italy is strong evidence that L. Hortensius Paulinus and his family were native to this region. Another interesting aspect concerning this document is the fact that it is the first inscription found within Antiocheia mentioning the legions IV Flavia Felix and II Italica. Therefore, this new inscription not only demonstrates the presence of officials belonging to these legions in Antiocheia, but also clarifies a disputed and unclear aspect of the inscription regarding C. Flavonius Paullinus Lollianus published by Byrne-Labarre in 2006. Finally, the new inscriptions found within the city suggest that members of the legio II Italica who participated in civil wars or the Parthian campaign in the East might have settled in Antiocheia at the end of their military service.


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-26
Author(s):  
Joseph B. Atkins

Harry Dean Stanton spent early formative years in West Irvine in central Kentucky, a land explored by Daniel Boone, torn by the Civil War, long dependent on tobacco, textiles, and for a time oil, first carried to markets by flatboats and later by railroad. Sheridan "Shorty" Stanton was a North Carolinian who grew tobacco and operated a barbershop. The much younger Ersel Moberly married him at least in part to get away from her crowded household only to find herself soon in another with three strapping boys and later Shorty's two daughters from an earlier marriage. It would be too much, and she abandoned the family, leaving a nearly lifelong legacy of tension in her relationship with her oldest son, Harry Dean. However, he inherited from her and his father's family a love of music, expressed in his early years in a barbershop quartet that included his brothers. After a disastrous stint down in Shorty's native North Carolina, the family returned to Kentucky, this time to the city of Lexington, where Harry Dean would attend high school and after military service college. By that time, Ersel had left, and Shorty was barbering fulltime.


Author(s):  
James J. Broomall

How did the Civil War, emancipation, and Reconstruction shape the masculinity of white Confederate veterans? As James J. Broomall shows, the crisis of the war forced a reconfiguration of the emotional worlds of the men who took up arms for the South. Raised in an antebellum culture that demanded restraint and shaped white men to embrace self-reliant masculinity, Confederate soldiers lived and fought within military units where they experienced the traumatic strain of combat and its privations together--all the while being separated from suffering families. Military service provoked changes that escalated with the end of slavery and the Confederacy's military defeat. Returning to civilian life, Southern veterans questioned themselves as never before, sometimes suffering from terrible self-doubt. Drawing on personal letters and diaries, Broomall argues that the crisis of defeat ultimately necessitated new forms of expression between veterans and among men and women. On the one hand, war led men to express levels of emotionality and vulnerability previously assumed the domain of women. On the other hand, these men also embraced a virulent, martial masculinity that they wielded during Reconstruction and beyond to suppress freed peoples and restore white rule through paramilitary organizations and the Ku Klux Klan.


Author(s):  
María Pilar Hernando Serra

Resumen: Desde siempre las visitas reales fueron uno de los acontecimientos festivos más significativos que se podía vivir en una ciudad. La presencia del rey en la misma significaba la alianza del pueblo con su soberano. Era un acto social, pero sobre todo político. Durante la Guerra de la Independencia estas ceremonias estuvieron cargados de una simbología que se fijó sobre todo en la propia guerra: sus héroes, sus victorias, la fe amenazada o su rey cautivo. Los valencianos también tuvieron ocasión de festejar la presencia de la autoridad real en la ciudad. José I y Fernando VII estarían en Valencia en dos momentos bien distintos. Además, la ciudad también tuvo que recibir, con honores de rey, al que sería su máxima autoridad con el título de gobernador de la misma, el mariscal Suchet. Para la mayoría de la población, dos de ellos eran intrusos; el otro, era el deseado.Palabras clave: Fernando VII, Guerra de la Independencia, José I, Suchet, Vistas reales, Valencia.Abstract: Royal visits have always been one of the most significant festive events that could be experienced in a city. The presence of the king in it meant the alliance of the people with their sovereign. It was a social act, but above all a political one. During the Peninsular War, these ceremonies were charged with a symbolism that focused above all on the war itself: its heroes, its victories, its threatened faith or its captive king. The Valencians also had the opportunity to celebrate the presence of the royal authority in the city. José I and Fernando VII would be in Valencia at two very different times. In addition, the city also had to receive, with the honors of a king, its highest authority with the title of governor of the same, Marshal Suchet. For the majority of the population, two of them were intruders; the other was the desired one. Keywords: Fernando VII, Peninsular War, José I, Suchet, Royal Visits. Valencia.


Author(s):  
Earl J. Hess

On July 20, 1864, the Civil War struggle for Atlanta reached a pivotal moment. As William T. Sherman's Union forces came ever nearer the city, Confederate President Jefferson Davis replaced the defending Confederate Army of Tennessee's commander, Joseph E. Johnston, and elevated John Bell Hood to replace him. This decision stunned and demoralized Confederate troops just when Hood was compelled to take the offensive against the approaching Federals. Attacking northward from Atlanta's defences, Hood's men struck George H. Thomas's Army of the Cumberland just after it crossed Peach Tree Creek on July 20. Initially taken by surprise, the Federals fought back with spirit and nullified all the advantages the Confederates first enjoyed. As a result, the Federals achieved a remarkable defensive victory. This book offers new and definitive interpretations of the battle's place within the Atlanta campaign. It demonstrated that several Confederate regiments and brigades made a show of advancing but then stopped partway to the objective and took cover for the rest of the afternoon on July 20. Morale played an unusually important role in determining the outcome of the battle at Peach Tree Creek. A soured mood among the Confederates and overwhelming confidence among the Federals spelled disaster for one side and victory for the other.


1817 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 332-338 ◽  

The nests of a particular species of swallow which is principally met with in the island of Java, have from time immemorial formed an article of trade between that island and China, where they are purchased at a high price by that voluptuous people, it being believed, that the materials of which the nests are composed, are possessed of an aphrodisiac virtue in an eminent degree. They have been occasionally brought into this country, and are preserved in collections of natural history, as curiosities. In what manner the bird procures the materials out of which the nest is made, has till now remained unknown; a thousand conjectures have, however, been make upon this subject. It has been supposed by some, that it is a gluten collected from the mollusca picked upon the surface of the sea. By others, a substance extracted from certain fuci found on the sea shore. By others again, a portion of the food in a half digested state regurgitated to be employed for this particular purpose. Sir Stamford Raffles, who has just returned from Java, where he resided five years, as lieutenant governor, has brought over a number of these nests, and has been kind enough to offer me some of them, for the purpose of investigating the nature of the materials of which they are composed, and gives it decidedly as his own opinion, that, whatever it is, it is brought up from the stomach, and requires at times so great an effort, as to bring up blood, the stain of which is seen on the nest. This account of Sir Stamford Raffles, in the correctness of whose observation I have the greatest confidence, led me to investigate this subject, and to ascertain by examination whether this particular swallow has any glands that are peculiar to its œsophagus, or stomach, enabling it to secrete a mucus similar in its nature to the substance of which the nest is composed. I at the same time requested my friend, Professor Brande, to analyze one of the nests, and to inform me of its composition. In examining the gastric glands of the Java swallow, even with the assistance of a common magnifying glass, I saw an obvious difference between the appearance of the orifices by which the secretion is poured into the gizzard, and of those of other birds, but, as I had never examined those glands in the common swallow which migrates to this country, it became necessary, before I proceeded farther in the enquiry, to ascertain whether in all the swallow tribe there were similar structures. In the present season this opportunity has been afforded me, and I find that in the common swallow, both male and female, the orifices of the gastric glands differ in nothing from those of birds in general, but that the peculiar structure which I am about to describe is confined to the Java swallow. This bird, Sir Stamford Raffles informs me, does not migrate, but remains all the year an inhabitant of the caverns in that island. Some of the most extensive caves in which they reside, are forty miles from either sea. Those swallows that build their nests near the sea, are observed to fly inland towards extensive swamps where gnats and other insects are in great abundance. Those that build in inland caves, are observed to quit the caves in the morning, and generally return in swarms darkening the air, towards the close of the day; they are, however, going in and out the whole of the day. This bird is double the size of our common swallow. There are two separate nests, one for the male to lie and rest in, which is oblong and narrow, adapted to his form, the other wide and deeper, to receive the female and the eggs.


2001 ◽  
pp. 221-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radivoj Radic
Keyword(s):  
The One ◽  

In the "Monodium to the Fallen in Thessalonica" (PG, 109, col. 652), an eulogy written by Demetrios Kydones in September 1345, there is mention of a hostile foreign army capable of posing a serious threat to the second city of the Empire. Having in mind the positions of the warring factions in the ongoing civil war in Byzantium on the one hand, and the fact that in September of that very same year Stefan Dusan had captured the important city of Serres on the other, there is reason to suspect that the hostile army seen as a possible captor of Thessalonica - is indeed the Serbian army.


Author(s):  
А.В. Стогова

Статья посвящена рассмотрению двух связанных между собой текстов – «Путешествия в Париж в 1698 году», составленного английским медиком и ученым, членом Лондонского королевского общества Мартином Листером на основе личных наблюдений в ходе поездки, и пародии на это сочинение, «Путешествия в Лондон в 1698 году» юриста, поэта и сатирика Уильяма Кинга. Анализ этих произведений показывает, как приложение к изучению города идеи ученого, на чьи наблюдения не должны влиять существующие авторитетные мнения, и который не должен обращать вни-мание лишь на то, что бросается в глаза, становится для Листера инструментом критики авторитарной власти Людовика XIV. С другой стороны, сатира Кинга демонст-рирует, что наблюдения, не соотнесенные с авторитетными мнениями, не позволяют отделить значимое от незначительного, что лишает создаваемый образ города его важнейшей характеристики – статуса столицы государства и центра власти. Он использует этот тезис как инструмент критики новой модели знания и науки, продвигаемой Лондонским королевским обществом. В обоих случаях независимость взгляда ученого-наблюдателя и стремление отказаться от признания авторитетов неизбежно коррелирует с непризнанием авторитета существующей политической власти. This article examines two related texts – Journey to Paris in 1698 by Martin Lister, an English physician and scholar and member of the Royal Society of London, based on personal observations during his travels, and a satire on this work, Journey to London in 1698 by the lawyer, poet and satirist William King. An analysis of these writings shows how the application of the idea of the scholar, whose observations should not be influenced by existing authoritative opinions and who should not succumb to paying attention only to what catches his eye, towards the study of the city becomes for Lister an instrument for the criticism of the authoritarian power of the French king Louis XIV. King's satire, on the other hand, shows that observation without reference to authoritative opinion fails to distinguish the significant from the inconsequential, which deprives the city's image of its most important characteristic: its status as the capital and centre of power. He uses this thesis as an instrument to criticize the new model of knowledge and science promoted by the Royal Society of London. In both cases, the independence of the scholar-observer's view and the tendency to refuse recognition of authoritative judgments inevitably correlate with a failure to recognise the authority of existing political power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-50
Author(s):  
Alison O'Byrne

This essay explores the relationship between plans for the improvement of London and other forms of writing about the city that imagine its inevitable decline and fall. Those lamenting the appearance of London in the eighteenth century frequently looked back to the Great Fire as a missed opportunity to rebuild the city in a grander, more magnificent manner. For these critics, London's built environment did little to stake the nation's claims to polite refinement and cultural prestige. Such concerns became especially pressing in the wake of Britain's victories in the Seven Years’ War, which made London the center of an extensive global empire. Through an examination of proposals for and accounts of urban improvements as well as works that look to a future moment when visitors survey London's faded glories, this essay considers how imagining London in ruins—a trope thus far explored in the context of the loss of the American colonies and Britain's role in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars—served two competing purposes in mid-eighteenth-century Britain. While, on the one hand, improvers acknowledged the transience of imperial power by arguing that now was the time to build grand monuments to mark the achievements of the present, on the other, a range of writers invoked the trope of future ruin to indicate how the seeds of decline had already been sown. The manifold meanings of ruin to which these works gesture would continue to play out in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.


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