The Honouring of the Legio Chief Physician L. Hortensius Paulinus

Belleten ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 80 (289) ◽  
pp. 719-740
Author(s):  
Abdurrahman Uzunaslan

An inscription dated to the beginning of the 3rd century AD, and found within the city limits of Antiocheia in 2011, honors the legion Chief Physician L. Hortensius Paulinus, who is believed to have settled in the city following his retirement. According to this inscription, L. Hortensius Paulinus assumed highly important public offices and duties in the city. This person had also served in the legio IV Flavia Felix and Legio II Italica, although the legion with which he first arrived to the East, as well as his exact assignment within these two legions, remain unclear. Possible reasons for his presence in the East might have been the exacerbation of the war between the Roman and Parthia Empires towards the end of the 2nd century AD, or the civil war between Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger since most of the legions from the Danube Basin and the Balkan Peninsula had sided with Septimius Severus during this civil war, including legio IV Flavia Felix and the Legio II Italica. The chronological order and content of the inscription suggest that L. Hortensius Paulinus had most likely traveled to the East with the legio II Italica due to the civil war; if this was indeed the case, L. Hortensius Paulinus must have arrived to the East in 193/4 AD at the earliest. The fact that the legio II Italica created by Marcus Aurelius was entirely constituted of solders from Northern Italy is strong evidence that L. Hortensius Paulinus and his family were native to this region. Another interesting aspect concerning this document is the fact that it is the first inscription found within Antiocheia mentioning the legions IV Flavia Felix and II Italica. Therefore, this new inscription not only demonstrates the presence of officials belonging to these legions in Antiocheia, but also clarifies a disputed and unclear aspect of the inscription regarding C. Flavonius Paullinus Lollianus published by Byrne-Labarre in 2006. Finally, the new inscriptions found within the city suggest that members of the legio II Italica who participated in civil wars or the Parthian campaign in the East might have settled in Antiocheia at the end of their military service.

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-26
Author(s):  
Joseph B. Atkins

Harry Dean Stanton spent early formative years in West Irvine in central Kentucky, a land explored by Daniel Boone, torn by the Civil War, long dependent on tobacco, textiles, and for a time oil, first carried to markets by flatboats and later by railroad. Sheridan "Shorty" Stanton was a North Carolinian who grew tobacco and operated a barbershop. The much younger Ersel Moberly married him at least in part to get away from her crowded household only to find herself soon in another with three strapping boys and later Shorty's two daughters from an earlier marriage. It would be too much, and she abandoned the family, leaving a nearly lifelong legacy of tension in her relationship with her oldest son, Harry Dean. However, he inherited from her and his father's family a love of music, expressed in his early years in a barbershop quartet that included his brothers. After a disastrous stint down in Shorty's native North Carolina, the family returned to Kentucky, this time to the city of Lexington, where Harry Dean would attend high school and after military service college. By that time, Ersel had left, and Shorty was barbering fulltime.


2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW HOPPER

The Northern Risings of 1663 are remarkably little-known episodes, scarcely a postscript to the triumph of the Restoration. As with most rebellions that dissolve before properly beginning, their historical significance is generally dismissed. Yet twenty-six rebels were condemned to death; sixteen of them were hanged, drawn, and quartered at York on one morning, providing a spectacle on a scale unseen in the city for nearly a century. Nearly all of those executed were West Riding men involved in the rebel muster at Farnley Wood; the government was conspicuously lenient towards the rebels of the North Riding, Durham, and Westmorland. This is an investigation into the background of the risings, in particular the West Riding episode. It tackles the wider question of the Restoration's impact on local communities that had been strongly parliamentarian, and in so doing, examines how the gentry's relationship with those of lower social status was transformed by the experience of civil war and interregnum.


Ramus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. L. Penwill

‘sophos’ uniuersi clamamus et sublatis manibus ad cameram iuramus Hipparchum Aratumque comparandos illi homines non fuisse…(‘Fantastic!’ we all cry, and raising our hands to the ceiling we swear that not even Hipparchus and Aratus could have been put on a par with him.)Petronius SatyriconThis then is the visible work of Menard, in chronological order….I turn now to his other work: the subterranean, the interminably heroic, the peerless.Jorge Luis Borges, ‘Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote’The Flavians needed a poet. When Octavian established the Julio-Claudian dynasty he had in his hands a usefully exploitable victory over the forces of chaos and oriental despotism, a spin on Actium and its aftermath that was given full epic representation in the Aeneid's description of Aeneas' shield (Aen. 8.671-713); Antony was compromised by Cleopatra and years of propaganda, and it all took place far enough away for the final act in what everyone knew was a civil war to be portrayed as defeat of a foreign power and celebrated as such in the traditional manner (Caesar triplici inuectus Rotnana triumpholmoenia…, ‘Caesar, borne within the walls of Rome in triple triumph’, Aen. 8.714f.). By contrast the Flavian ascendancy was achieved through assault on these selfsame walls, and involved the desecration and burning of the Capitol (Tac. Hist. 3.69-74, who remarks id facinus post conditam urbem luctuosissimum foedissimumque rei publicae populi Romani accidit, ‘this was the most deplorable and outrageous crime to befall the republic of the Roman people since the foundation of the city’).


2012 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-403
Author(s):  
V Yu Albitskiy ◽  
S A Sher

The article presents the events that took place at the Imperial Moscow educational home during the Civil War in 1812, when Napoleon’s army entered Moscow. A description is provided of the period of evacuation of children older than 11-12 years of age to Kazan accompanied by doctors and other employees of the House, as well as the actions directly in the Educational home in Moscow, where young children had been left. Kazan became a shelter for the older children. Owing to the brilliant organizational abilities of the main supervising officer I.A. Tutolmin, to the high professionalism of the chief physician Kh. Oppel and to the doctors, who accompanied the evacuated children, as well as to the hospitality of Kazan city and the medical and pharmaceutical services of the city it was possible to avoid major outbreaks of infectious diseases and save the lives of many children.


1652 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 215-258
Author(s):  
David Parrott

The chapter pursues two main narratives. It describes the near destruction of the royalist army commanded by Turenne, blockaded south of Paris by the combined forces of Condé, Lorraine, and allied Spanish troops. Turenne’s success in escaping this trap and freeing his army to disrupt Condé’s positions around Paris precipitated Condé’s October decision to move his forces eastwards to establish himself on the French frontiers. Meanwhile, the last and most extensive phase of negotiations for a settlement between Mazarin and Condé had been unfolding. The exceptionally generous concessions offered to Condé and his party during this phase were overwhelmingly driven by Mazarin’s concern that he would otherwise be consigned to permanent exile, blocked from re-entering France. The failure of the negotiations owed little to notions that Mazarin was playing a game of masterly duplicity, but reflected the outright rejection of Mazarin’s extensive concessions by the queen and many at court and government, who considered them an unacceptably high price for securing a settlement. One consequence was the missed opportunity to prevent Condé’s move into Spanish military service. The other was the erosion of Mazarin’s standing—he was still trapped on the frontiers when Louis XIV and the court moved back into Paris to receive the allegiance of the city and its institutions and to bring the civil war to an end. The price of the failure to secure a settlement was to be paid by both Condé and Mazarin throughout the 1650s.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-126
Author(s):  
Megan M. Daly

AbstractThe recognition of the similarities between Roman epic poetry and historiography have led to valuable studies such as Joseph’s analysis of the relationship between Lucan’s Bellum Civile and Tacitus’ Histories. Traces of Lucan’s Bellum Civile can also be observed in Tacitus’ Annals 1 and 2, causing the beginning of Tiberius’ reign to look like a civil war in the making. The charismatic Germanicus sits with a supportive army on the northern frontier, much like Caesar, causing fear for Tiberius at Rome. Germanicus denies his chance to become the next Caesar and march on the city, but he exhibits other similarities with Lucan’s Caesar, including an association with Alexander the Great. Although at some points Germanicus seems to be repeating the past and reliving episodes experienced by Caesar in Bellum Civile, he prevents himself from fully realizing a Caesarian fate and becoming Lucan’s bad tyrant. The similar images, events, and themes presented by both authors create messages that reflect experiences from the authors’ own lives during dangerous times.


Author(s):  
Lesley-Ann Daniels

Abstract Governments grant amnesties to rebel groups during civil wars and this is a puzzle. Why would the government offer an amnesty, which can be interpreted as a signal of weakness? In certain circumstances, offering amnesty is a rational policy choice. Governments should give amnesties when they are winning: the risk of misinterpreted signals is lessened, costs are low, rebel groups are weakened, and so amnesty can be used instrumentally to encourage defection or division among foot soldiers or as an incentive to leaders. Therefore, the government capitalizes on its military advantage and offers amnesty in a “stick then carrot” tactic. Using a database of amnesties during conflicts from 1990 to 2011, the article shows that governments are more likely to give amnesties following high rebel deaths. The use of amnesty during conflict is nuanced and context is important when understanding strategic choices.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Youngkwon Chung

During the early years of the Civil Wars in England, from February 1642 to July 1643, Puritan parishioners in conjunction with the parliament in London set up approximately 150 divines as weekly preachers, or lecturers, in the city and the provinces. This was an exceptional activity surrounding lectureships including the high number of lecturer appointments made over the relatively brief space of time, especially considering the urgent necessity of making preparations for the looming war and fighting it as well. By examining a range of sources, this article seeks to demonstrate that the Puritan MPs and peers, in cooperation with their supporters from across the country, tactically employed the institutional device of weekly preaching, or lectureships, to neutralize the influence of Anglican clergymen perceived as royalists dissatisfied with the parliamentarian cause, and to bolster Puritan and pro-parliamentarian preaching during the critical years of 1642–1643. If successfully employed, the device of weekly lectureships would have significantly widened the base of support for the parliament during this crucial period when people began to take sides, prepared for war, and fought its first battles. Such a program of lectureships, no doubt, contributed to the increasing polarization of the religious and political climate of the country. More broadly, this study seeks to add to our understanding of an early phase of the conflict that eventually embroiled the entire British Isles in a decade of gruesome internecine warfare.


2015 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 1021-1045 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Keels

New research has emerged that suggests there is a troubling relationship between elections and civil wars; primarily, elections increase the risk of civil war recurrence. I investigate this relationship further by examining the economic factors associated with the connection between postwar elections and peace failure. Specifically, how does the presence of oil wealth impact the risk posed by postwar elections. Drawing on previous findings in the democratization literature, I suggest the immobility of oil wealth dramatically increases the stakes associated with postwar elections. As postwar elites use irregular electioneering to consolidate their control of oil revenue, it increases the incentives for postwar opposition to use violence as a means to achieve their objectives. Using post-civil war data from 1945 to 2005, I demonstrate that postwar elections that occur in oil-rich economies dramatically decrease the durability of postwar peace. Once controlling for petro elections, though, I demonstrate that subsequent postwar elections actually increase the durability of postwar peace.


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