Traditional Rural Society

Author(s):  
Jack Barbalet

A constant source in academic discussion of guanxi is a book, universally regarded as a template for understanding guanxi, first published in 1947 by Fei Xiaotong. The relevance of Fei’s model is critically assessed in the chapter. It demonstrates that Fei’s account of Chinese social relationships draws upon an idealized Confucianism rather than empirically-grounded social analysis. The discussion shows that Fei ignores non-kin relations in rural society, and an account of their importance is provided. A problem with Fei’s account of social obligation is identified. A proposed solution distinguishes between obligations generated through role compliance and obligations arising from exchange relations. Finally, it is shown that guanxi requires a notion of instrumental self-interest, absent in Fei’s account, and that interested action in guanxi operates through enhancing social standing or face, about which Fei has nothing to say. In this way the chapter clears the ground for discussion in subsequent chapters.

Author(s):  
Keith Ray ◽  
Julian Thomas

For traditional societies, by which we mean those peoples whose worlds are permeated by kin relations and obligations, and among whom past societies such as those of Neolithic Britain are mostly to be counted, the most precious inheritance is knowledge. Inherited knowledge is of many kinds, the most overt of which is instrumental knowledge—how to make a rope from fibre, where to look for and how to utilize medicinal plants, and so on. Alongside this, however, is a plurality of less obvious but equally fundamental knowledges that include kinds of behavioural knowledge (in the sense of customs and prohibitions, for example), forms of discursive awareness (how to negotiate the social world; what to recall and recount as story and history), and understandings of esoteric beliefs and their concomitant ‘necessary’ actions. Collective cultural and customary knowledge, then, is a resource that makes possible the sustaining and renewal of human social relationships through time. There is a modern tendency to see history as a progression of tableaux, or a montage of scenes, a cavalcade; or, as we noted in Chapter 1, an ascent through measurable social evolutionary stages from relative cultural simplicity towards a present of multilayered complexity. In the modern world, history is expressed in the form of narratives that have been standardized and systematically ordered, and published in a diversity of media, as well as being contested by alternative perspectives in print and online. This contrasts with the way that knowledge and tradition are conveyed in societies that lack written literature, which generally takes the form of oral transmission. However, they are also expressed and fixed (however fleetingly) and transformed through the use of material items and material culture, including the built environment. For such societies, history may take the form of a shared memory of significant events, but these are always experienced and mediated through the filters of social relationships of dominance and subordination, and of kinship. This latter is composed of the shifting elements of genealogy, lineage, and descent, although any or all of these may be fictional in character, and open to a degree of manipulation.


Rural History ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
KAREN E. CARTER

AbstractThis article examines the role played by village schoolmasters in eighteenth-century rural France. Although schoolmasters were not supported or regulated by the state, as they would be a century later, they were able to navigate successfully the complex network of social relationships that existed within early modern rural society. Using the journal of one schoolmaster, Pierre Delahaye, the article demonstrates that in addition to teaching, schoolmasters also worked as record keepers for village notables, as clerks for the parish, and even cleaned the churches and belfries. The schoolmaster's position afforded him a much greater social position than might be assumed from knowledge of only his income and background, and even allowed him to serve as a mediator between the village and the curé. Thus it can be argued that schoolmasters of the eighteenth century were as important to rural society as their state supported counterparts of the nineteenth century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Vearncombe

AbstractWhile Matthew's parable of the labourers in the vineyard (20:1-15) is generally regarded as an analogy whereby the goodness of God is contrasted with human notions of justice and reward, when the socio-economic background of the parable is more fully taken into account, specifically the contexts of redistribution and reciprocity, it becomes clear that the parable functions on another level as well. The payment of an equal wage to all labourers regardless of time worked initiates a conflict between the landowner and the full-day workers due to the disruption of economic expectation which the equal payment represents. The parable reverses the worldly economic values of profit and self-interest and aims to demonstrate the possibility of a different kind of social obligation, one based not on debt but on more balanced forms of reciprocity.


1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marquand

TRIADS ARE IN FASHION. IN POLITICS AND MARKETS, Charles Lindblom distinguishes between three kinds of social relationships — the exchange relations characteristic of markets; the authority relations characteristic of states; and what he calls ‘preceptoral’ relations, the relations of teachers to pupils, of advertisers to consumers, of indoctrinators to the indoctrinated. In the epilogue to The Liberal Theory of Justice, Brian Barry proposes a different, but in some respects complementary, triad. There are, he suggests, three ‘models’ of social collaboration.


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 460-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janel Smith

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the theoretical foundations of the solidarity network concept and its perceived utility as an enabling force for social organizations to influence change. The theoretical framework presented is intended to stimulate dialogue, interest and investigation on the subject of solidarity networks.Design/methodology/approachThe paper adopts a discourse analysis‐type approach to developing a theoretical framework for conceptualizing solidarity networks through an analytical review of existing literature on solidarity and solidarity networks. It is through consideration of this literature that the “threads” of a theoretical model for solidarity networks are “woven” together.FindingsBased on the findings of the analysis the paper asserts that the following characteristics are among the defining elements of solidarity networks and help to form the basis of a theoretical framework that strives to create a more cohesive understanding and an applied exploration for future analytical investigations. These characteristics are: support for “broad” values, anti‐oppression and vision‐based solidarity for the future; the flexibility and adaptability of the network's organizational structure and issue‐area(s) of focus; that network members are motivated by a sense of mutuality, or mutual self‐interest; that network members are motivated by “high‐order” values associated with the “public good”; and that there is a demonstrated ethic of social responsibility and social justice.Originality/valueThe paper represents a theoretically‐based approach to conceptualizing solidarity networks. It adds new dimensions to one's thinking about social networks as a form of social relationship and social network analysis (SNA) as a “tool” for describing social relationships.


Author(s):  
Alexander Blaszczynski

Abstract. Background: Tensions exist with various stakeholders facing competing interests in providing legal land-based and online regulated gambling products. Threats to revenue/taxation occur in response to harm minimisation and responsible gambling policies. Setting aside the concept of total prohibition, the objectives of responsible gambling are to encourage and/or restrict an individual’s gambling expenditure in terms of money and time to personally affordable limits. Stakeholder responsibilities: Governments craft the gambling environment through legislation, monitor compliance with regulatory requirements, and receive taxation revenue as a proportion of expenditure. Industry operators on the other hand, compete across market sectors through marketing and advertising, and through the development of commercially innovative products, reaping substantial financial rewards. Concurrently, governments are driven to respond to community pressures to minimize the range of negative gambling-related social, personal and economic harms and costs. Industry operators are exposed to the same pressures but additionally overlaid with the self-interest of avoiding the imposition of more stringent restrictive policies. Cooperation of stakeholders: The resulting tension between taxation revenue and profit making, harm minimization, and social impacts creates a climate of conflict between all involved parties. Data-driven policies become compromised by unsubstantiated claims of, and counter claims against, the nature and extent of gambling-related harms, effectiveness of policy strategies, with allegations of bias and influence associated with researchers supported by industry and government research funding sources. Conclusion: To effectively advance policies, it is argued that it is imperative that all parties collaborate in a cooperative manner to achieve the objectives of responsible gambling and harm minimization. This extends to and includes more transparent funding for researchers from both government and industry. Continued reliance on data collected from analogue populations or volunteers participating in simulated gambling tasks will not provide data capable of valid and reliable extrapolation to real gamblers in real venues risking their own funds. Failure to adhere to principles of corporate responsibility and consumer protection by both governments and industry will challenge the social licence to offer gambling products. Appropriate and transparent safeguards learnt from the tobacco and alcohol field, it is argued, can guide the conduct of gambling research.


2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 145-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jana Nikitin ◽  
Alexandra M. Freund

Abstract. Establishing new social relationships is important for mastering developmental transitions in young adulthood. In a 2-year longitudinal study with four measurement occasions (T1: n = 245, T2: n = 96, T3: n = 103, T4: n = 85), we investigated the role of social motives in college students’ mastery of the transition of moving out of the parental home, using loneliness as an indicator of poor adjustment to the transition. Students with strong social approach motivation reported stable and low levels of loneliness. In contrast, students with strong social avoidance motivation reported high levels of loneliness. However, this effect dissipated relatively quickly as most of the young adults adapted to the transition over a period of several weeks. The present study also provides evidence for an interaction between social approach and social avoidance motives: Social approach motives buffered the negative effect on social well-being of social avoidance motives. These results illustrate the importance of social approach and social avoidance motives and their interplay during developmental transitions.


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