“Godot Has Arrived!”

Author(s):  
Mara Malagodi

This chapter examines the process and modalities of constitutional reform that led to the federal restructuring of Nepal’s unitary state. It first considers the context that led to the question of federalism in Nepal, focusing on identity politics and the role of mainstream political parties and political elites during the period 1990–2006. It then looks at the period of constitutional engagement, taking into account the establishment of the first Constituent Assembly (CA1) and its eventual dissolution. It also discusses the outcome of federalization as well as the lessons that can be drawn from the process, especially with regard to territorial restructuring, identity politics, and the range of institutional responses to demands for social inclusion. A new Constitution was promulgated on September 20, 2015, but it did not bring about radical institutional restructuring and was met with growing protests in the Terai plains near the Indian border.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Nurhadi Nurhadi ◽  
Sunarso Sunarso

This article aims to discuss the role of kiai in building voter participation. The method used is a qualitative approach. Data collection using observation, interviews, and observations. Analysis uses an interactive model. The results of the study show that scholars have 3 (three) roles in politics, namely as political political patrons, political elites, and political mediators. Kiai as political patrons become a reference in making political choices. Kiai are active political elites in the management of political parties and mass mobilization. Kiai as political mediators mediate in political conflicts. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 329-350
Author(s):  
Corentin Poyet ◽  
Tapio Raunio

This chapter analyzes plenary debates in the Eduskunta, the unicameral legislature of Finland. Recent constitutional reforms have strengthened the role of the Eduskunta, which the findings also reflect. Access to the floor is relatively unconstrained in Finland, but there is also a strong element of party control involved. The chapter shows that opposition MPs, small parties, and party leaders make active use of plenary speeches. The constitutional reform increased the likelihood of frontbenchers and experienced MPs to deliver speeches. Gender and partially seniority have little effect on who gets to speak in the plenary, but there is also quite a significant variation between political parties. Overall, our results indicate that the plenary has become a more important arena in Finnish politics, both for the cabinet and the opposition.


2021 ◽  

The fifth edition of Gender and Elections offers a lively, multi-faceted account of the role of gender in the electoral process through the 2020 elections. This timely yet enduring volume strikes a balance between highlighting the most important developments for women as voters and candidates in the 2020 elections and providing an in-depth analysis of the ways that gender has helped shape the contours and outcomes of electoral politics in the United States. Individual chapters demonstrate the importance of gender in understanding presidential, congressional, and state elections; voter participation, turnout, and choices; participation of African American women and Latinas; support of political parties and women's organizations; and candidate communication. New chapters explore the role of social movements in elections and introduce concepts of gendered and raced institutions, intersectionality, and identity politics applied to presidential elections from past to present. The resulting volume is the most comprehensive and reliable resource on the role of gender in electoral politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-25
Author(s):  
Andre Agasi ◽  
Muhammad Fadli ◽  
Agung Suharyanto

The purpose of this study was to determine the Interethnic Relations and Political Power; Ethnic Identity, Political Culture and Actor Battles; and Relationships of Political Party Actors in the 2020 Medan City Election. Identity politics in the Direct Regional Head Election in Medan. A qualitative approach is used to describe and analyze the issue of identity politics in Medan City based on the issue of nationalism and religious issues. Castells' identity politics theory, as well as the Almond and verbal political culture theory, to be the basis for analyzing the data obtained in the field regarding identity politics, the role of actors / structures and their relationship to the political culture process in the 2020 Pilkada of Medan City. The results of field research found that identity politics provides a large space for the arousal of the actors to strengthen and raise the position of elites and local rulers in Medan City. The role of actors and structures is a challenge for political parties in the regions. The politics of ethnic identity that has developed in Medan City which is based on the spirit of ethnic pragmatism actually encourages ethnicity to become a soft political force with the birth of a harmonious political culture for the creation of a good democratic climate in Medan City.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristie Drucza

Fragile states constitute a challenging operating environment. Yet, the role of development partner engagement on issues of social inclusion, identity politics, or horizontal inequalities in such fragile environments has not received the attention these complex issues warrant. The attitudes of development actors, their level of commitment, bias, risk management, and understanding of the political settlement can have a real bearing on the effectiveness of such efforts to promote inclusion. In Nepal, certain development partners have faced elite backlash for their engagement on social inclusion, while others have been more successful. This article asks what lessons can be learned from these experiences for those interested in promoting social inclusion in fragile states through development assistance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-140
Author(s):  
N. W. Barber

AbstractPopulism is a particular type of constitutional pathology; a brand of groupthink in which a leader establishes a direct connection with the people and, by virtue of this connection, is able to govern outside the established constitutional processes of the state. This Article reflects on the interaction between populism and political parties. It argues that one of the roles of political parties is to act as a medium between political elites and the people; a medium that can, or should, enable the people to exercise control over this elite through their membership of parties. Populism therefore presents a threat to the proper operation of political parties, and the proper operation of political parties correspondingly threatens populism.This Article begins by reflecting on the nature of populism. It does not pretend to provide a complete account of that phenomenon, but rather aspires to identify one strand of populist rule: A particular type of connection between the leader and her people. Second, the paper reflects on the constitutional role of political parties. Whilst political parties have often been treated critically in British constitutional scholarship, it will be argued that they are essential to the success of the democratic process: Modern representative democracy cannot function in their absence. Finally, these two sections of the paper will be drawn together: One explanation for the rise of populism is the weakness of political parties, and one way of combating, or mitigating, populism is for the state, and the citizenry, to support and facilitate parties. This Article suggests a correlation between the decline of political parties and the rise of populism, but it cautiously avoids making claims of causation. It could be that the decline of political parties leads to the rise of populism, as voters who are faced with a choice of superannuated parties turn, instead, to charismatic individuals. Or it could be that the rise of populism leads to the decline of political parties, as voters develop a direct relationship with leaders and, as a result, cease to engage with each other within the context of parties. Or, perhaps, these interactions might occur together, forming a feedback loop, with the decline of parties leading to the rise of populism which, in turn, hastens party decay.


Author(s):  
Melis G. Laebens

This chapter first describes the main features of contemporary party organizations in Turkey, focusing on five salient topics: a) leaders’ control over parties, b) political patronage and clientelism, c) the organization of mass participation, d) profiles of political elites, and e) party financing. The discussion highlights variation across parties due to different ideologies and organizational legacies. Two questions that motivate many studies of Turkey’s parties are then discussed in greater depth: Why are party leaders so dominant in party organizations? What are the consequences for democracy of leaders’ extensive control over the organizations? The chapter highlights the role of the 1980 military intervention in aggravating leadership domination in centrist parties, and argues that leadership domination contributed to the party system crisis of the late 1990s, as well as to the recent breakdown of democracy. Currently, the authoritarian and presidential institutional framework creates a new environment for political parties and may cause historically unprecedented transformations in party organizations, both positive and negative.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kunal Debnath

Tamil politics in India has an enduring characteristic of a sub-nationalist orientation which,<br>sometimes, bares with the populist mobilization by the political parties of Tamil Nadu. Recently,<br>the working president of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, one of the prominent political parties of<br>Tamil Nadu, recycles the issue of Dravida Nadu, a hypothetical land for the Tamils own based<br>on their ethnonational identity, which had been dropped almost 55 years ago. Dravida Nadu<br>highlights the linguistic, cultural and ethnonational resistance against north-Indian dominated<br>pan-Indian nationalism. Cauvery water dispute, debate over Jallikattu, anti-Hindi stance, and<br>protest against the terms of reference of the Fifteenth Finance Commission are the signs of anticentre<br>campaign in Tamil politics and being used not only for upholding Tamil cultural<br>nationalism but for mobilizing the people in electoral combat zone in Tamil Nadu.


2000 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-551
Author(s):  
Verena Blechinger

When a package of political reform bills was enacted in Japan in 1994, commentators predicted that Japanese politics would fundamentally change. After a series of corruption scandals, the new legislation tightened the system of legal controls, increased penalties for wrongdoing by politicians and made the flow of money more transparent. One key element of the reform package was the introduction of government subsidies for political parties. These funds were intended to strengthen the role of political parties and, at the same time, to close the gap between voters and politicians. Based on a comparison between the German and Japanese systems of political finance, this paper argues that government subsidies have not brought parties and voters closer together. While the distance between politics and big business in Japan has increased since 1994, change has come from the business side, not as a result of the new regulations. In the long run, the new Japanese political finance system will not bridge the gap between political elites and ordinary citizens.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kunal Debnath

Tamil politics in India has an enduring characteristic of a sub-nationalist orientation which,<br>sometimes, bares with the populist mobilization by the political parties of Tamil Nadu. Recently,<br>the working president of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, one of the prominent political parties of<br>Tamil Nadu, recycles the issue of Dravida Nadu, a hypothetical land for the Tamils own based<br>on their ethnonational identity, which had been dropped almost 55 years ago. Dravida Nadu<br>highlights the linguistic, cultural and ethnonational resistance against north-Indian dominated<br>pan-Indian nationalism. Cauvery water dispute, debate over Jallikattu, anti-Hindi stance, and<br>protest against the terms of reference of the Fifteenth Finance Commission are the signs of anticentre<br>campaign in Tamil politics and being used not only for upholding Tamil cultural<br>nationalism but for mobilizing the people in electoral combat zone in Tamil Nadu.


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