Social inclusion in the post-conflict state of Nepal: Donor practice and the political settlement

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristie Drucza

Fragile states constitute a challenging operating environment. Yet, the role of development partner engagement on issues of social inclusion, identity politics, or horizontal inequalities in such fragile environments has not received the attention these complex issues warrant. The attitudes of development actors, their level of commitment, bias, risk management, and understanding of the political settlement can have a real bearing on the effectiveness of such efforts to promote inclusion. In Nepal, certain development partners have faced elite backlash for their engagement on social inclusion, while others have been more successful. This article asks what lessons can be learned from these experiences for those interested in promoting social inclusion in fragile states through development assistance.

Author(s):  
Hazel Gray

This chapter explores the role of the political settlement in shaping outcomes of land investments by analysing struggles in key sectors of the economy. Land reform during the socialist period had far-reaching implications for the political settlement. Reforms to land rights under liberalization involved strengthening land markets; however, the state continued to play a significant role. Corruption within formal land management systems became prevalent during the period of high growth. Vietnam experienced a rapid growth in export agriculture but, in contrast with stable property rights for smallholders, Tanzania’s efforts to encourage large land investments were less successful. Industrialization in both countries generated new forms of land struggles that were influenced by the different distributions of power between the state, existing landowners, and investors.


Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-70
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin ◽  
Petr Čermák

The series of ethnic conflicts in the Western Balkans over the 1990s in- volved primarily the constituent nations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks, and later, Albanians and Macedonians. Ethnic violence has equally affected other numerically smaller groups residing in the geo- graphic areas affected by conflict between the dominant, de facto state-founding ethnic groups. The paper investigates the continuous importance of ethnic identity for political participation of non-dominant groups affected by the ethno-political dynamics of dominant groups in post-conflict Croatia. Analyses of the political mobilisation of non-dominant groups in regions previously affected by conflict offer evidence that their ethno-political mobilisation reflects the continuous importance of identity-politics in the context of highly ethnicised institutions ensuring political representation at national and municipal levels.


Author(s):  
Angela Impey

This chapter invites critical scrutiny of the role of performance ethnography in development praxis, focusing specifically on the place of ethnomusicology in current discourses about alternative frameworks for transitional justice in post-conflict and fragile states. The paper responds to the increasing appeal in transitional justice literature for legal pluralism and reflects on the challenges and opportunities that traditional justice strategies pose for many of the fundamental assumptions that currently underlie post-conflict rule-of-law work. Taking direction from Brown et al. (2011) and Mignolo (2013), who call for imaginative “delinking” from current epistemic hegemonies in seeking solutions to pressing societal problems, the chapter argues for greater consideration of culture in responding to the multidimensional legacies of protracted conflict (Rush & Simić 2014). Drawing on research on Dinka ox-songs in South Sudan—a country that emerged from half a century of civil war with Sudan, but remains profoundly destabilized by internecine violence—the paper argues that in their capacity as public hearings, ox-songs offer locally embedded judicial instruments or “justice rituals” (Rossner 2013) of narration, listening, and understanding, opening discursive spaces for the expression of multiple public positions and forms of agency. While songs recount individual, clan, or community memories within the context of culturally legitimate expressive spaces, they equally reveal potentially incompatible rejoinders to social justice, forgiveness, and inclusivity, thus supporting new pathways for hybrid or plural frameworks for truth-telling, justice, and reparative outcomes.


Author(s):  
Mara Malagodi

This chapter examines the process and modalities of constitutional reform that led to the federal restructuring of Nepal’s unitary state. It first considers the context that led to the question of federalism in Nepal, focusing on identity politics and the role of mainstream political parties and political elites during the period 1990–2006. It then looks at the period of constitutional engagement, taking into account the establishment of the first Constituent Assembly (CA1) and its eventual dissolution. It also discusses the outcome of federalization as well as the lessons that can be drawn from the process, especially with regard to territorial restructuring, identity politics, and the range of institutional responses to demands for social inclusion. A new Constitution was promulgated on September 20, 2015, but it did not bring about radical institutional restructuring and was met with growing protests in the Terai plains near the Indian border.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristie Drucza

This article is a qualitative case study on the political dimensions of social protection reforms in post-conflict Nepal. The article examines vertical versus horizontal party structures and the political economy of support for different parties, and how this relates to their social protection policies to help unpack gaps in the literature and provide a deeper understanding of both the constraints and opportunities for reform. Drawing on key informant interviews conducted in Nepal between 2012 and 2014, the article describes the attitudes of members of the main Nepalese political parties towards social protection, and analyses the proposals on social protection within party manifestos. It discusses the role of social protection in democratisation as well as limitations towards constructing a democratic welfare state grounded in the kind of clientelistic and patronage party politics that continue to dominate the political landscape in Nepal today. The article is relevant to those in the ‘thinking and working politically’ aid movement and those working towards social protection reforms in clientelist states.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Bambang Arianto

This article explains that the role of post-conflict political volunteers in 2004, who began with the presidential activity mapping and projection of the volunteers. It was to find out the tactical steps taken by the political volunteers, especially in issues of politics and government. This study revealed that volunteers more engaged in social media, then divides typology into a community volunteer and non-volunteer community. Form the two typology of volunteers turned out more volunters who choose passivity rather than active. Passive attituded intended to be a controller of goverment, while the more active attituded as the guardian of power. This article argues that the role of volunteers in post-conflict digital style presidential politics in 2014 more strengthen the institutionalization of digital activism for political aducation of the public.


2019 ◽  
pp. 321-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mushtaq H. Khan

The role of institutions in Asian development has been intensely contested since Gunnar Myrdal’s Asian Drama, with later contributions from institutional economics and developmental state theory. Despite much progress, the dominant approaches do not agree about the institutions that matter, nor do they explain why similar institutions delivered such different results across countries. Cultural norms and informal institutions clearly matter but the appropriate norms did not already exist in successful countries; they evolved over time. The distribution of holding power across different types of organizations, the ‘political settlement’, can explain the diversity of experiences better and help to develop more effective policy. This chapter outlines Myrdal’s contribution to institutional analysis and how modern institutional analysis has built on his analysis, then, drawing on the experiences of Asian countries, sets out an alternative institutional analysis based on political settlements, and the implications for the analysis of the effectiveness of institutions.


Author(s):  
Lant Pritchett ◽  
Kunal Sen ◽  
Eric Werker

This concluding chapter brings together the evidence gathered in the ten case studies. It concentrates on two key questions. First, what ignites growth within a country? Then once growth is ignited how is it maintained? The framework highlights that how the political settlement and rent space interact determines the deals space in which elites operate. Feedback loops, both positive and negative, exist within the case studies analysed. Transnational factors such as commodity price movements on international markets, the role of foreign donors, foreign direct investment, and neighbourhood effects can all have a significant impact on transitions between growth episodes. Implications for development policy are considered.


Author(s):  
Budi Sunarso

Identity politics is the main focus of the Arfak elite directly, so in practice it involves the role of informal actors and structures of Arfak figures and bureaucracy in Manokwari. The political process gave birth to an ethnic spirit that has increasingly fostered identity in the fabric of life since the current democratic era. First, identity politics gives a large space for the emergence of the spirit of actors / characters to strengthen the position of the elite and local authorities in Manokwari. Second, the role and structure of traditional institutions and political parties in the region. Third, ethnic identity politics developed in Manokwari, which is based on the spirit of true pragmatism, encourages ethnic ethnicity to become a political force that is so special autonomy arises with the birth and birth of a harmonious political culture for Manokwari, West Papua Province.Research with qualitative methods to enable researchers to understand the political attitudes and behavior of the Arfak tribal elites in depth. This qualitative method requires researchers to immerse themselves in the social settings studied, observe people in their natural environment, and participate in their activities. For this reason, this qualitative method is considered appropriate with the aim of research that is to explain the movements of the Arfak tribal elites in politics and government as their strategies to survive. The practice of identity politics in the dynamics of the contestation of Arfak tribal elites began to emerge in the era of Special Autonomy. Where ethnic identity is the result of social interaction between Arfak tribes and other tribes or with immigrants.Ethnic-based Elite battles in Manokwari continue to involve indigenous Papuans in identity political contestation in political dynamics. The politics of Arfak tribal identity is influenced by primordial aspects. Support for political contestation is very dominant in ethnic control.The strengthening of the practice of identity politics in Manokwari was also marked by the strengthening of the identity of differences in tribes in Manokwari where the sociological implications of the strengthening of tribal organizations of the ethnic Papuan Manokwari, as well as non Manokwari and non-Papuan tribes, were also influenced by bureaucrats, the role of the chief, clergy, other religious leaders.


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