The Syrian Crisis

Author(s):  
Rosemary Foot

This chapter begins with a brief exploration of the various phases of this devastating conflict. It explores why China has used its veto power on seven occasions over the course of this war (up to September 2019); a puzzle, because vetoing is extremely unusual Chinese behaviour. The chapter also explores the image consequences for China, mostly damaging in the early stages of this war, that have flowed from that change in its approach. It references some of the resolutions that have caused UN Security Council division. In particular, it focuses on the justifications Beijing has offered for the voting decisions it has made over the course of a devastating conflict that has included the use of chemical weapons. The Syrian case is afforded its own chapter in this study not only because of China’s more frequent use of the veto, but also because of Syria’s status as one of the worst failures in human protection since World War II. The case study is additionally instructive with regard to China’s approaches to the UN’s POC and R2P agendas.

Author(s):  
Nataliya S. Kozyakova

We examine the problems that occupied the main place in Austria’s foreign policy in the mid-1950s of 20th century and characterized its role in international relations during the specified period. The role of Austria in the international arena has increased the country’s entry into the path of neutrality. It also opened up wide opportunities for it to participate in the activities of vari-ous international organizations extensively. Using the method of source analysis, the active partic-ipation of Austria in the work of the UN is considered, its authority and support for the sufficient work of this organization, which allowed it to be elected for three years as a member of the main body of the UN – a member of the Economic and Social Council in 1963 and 1976, in 1973 and 1974 – a member of the UN security, and in 1972 it became a permanent member of the UN Security Council. According to Austria’s first statement to the Security Council, the country planned to provide the widest possible extent of its impartial services to the UN’s main political body, using the wide opportunities given to it by its independence and neutrality. Having analyzed the main directions and aspects of Austrian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, we conclude that, having adopted a justified course in foreign policy in 1955, based on permanent neutrality, the Second Austrian Republic further has provided the guarantee and basis of its independence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-204
Author(s):  
Ozum Yesiltas

This study investigates the growing influence of Middle Eastern non-state actors as agents of foreign policy and their interactions with states through an analysis of the U.S.-Kurdish relationship. Incorporating archival data and interviews with Kurdish and American policy makers, the paper analyses the factors that have affected the U.S.-Kurdish relationship from World War II to the recent Syrian crisis in the context of the mainstream theoretical approaches within the discipline of International Relations. The article concludes that the failure to formulate a coherent Kurdish policy complicates the U.S.’ Middle East strategy and contributes to outcomes unfavourable to U.S. interests in the region.  Abstract in Kurmanji Hêza ji kenaran : Pêşniyara bo siyaseteke derveyî ya hevgirtî ya Dewletên Yekbûyî yên Amerîkayê li hemberî Kurdan Ev lêkolîn tesîra her ku diçe mezin dibe ya aktorên ne-dewletî li Rojhilata Navîn wek failên siyaseta derve, digel danûstandinên wan bi dewletan re, li ser hîma tehlîla têkiliya DYA û Kurdan vedikole. Bi vehewandina daneyên arşîvî û hevdîtinên li gel siyasetmedarên kurd û amerîkî, ev nivîsar nêrînên bîrdozî yên herî berbelav di  babetaTêkiliyên Navneteweyî de bi kar tîne, ji bo ku faktorên bandor li têkiliyên DYA-Kurd ji Şerê Cîhanê yê Duyem heta qeyrana surî ya dawîn  kirine, tehlîl bike. Nivîsar bi vê encamê digihîje ku têkçûna sazkirina siyaseteke kurd a hevgirtî ji bo stratejiya DYA ya li Rojhilata Navîn zehmetiyan derdixe û netîceyên neyînî bo berjewendiyên DYA jî bi xwe re tîne. Abstract in Sorani Hêzê Sînoran: Kurdan Reyde Mesela Sîyasetê Teberî yê DYA yê ‘Pêgirewteyî’ Pê analîzê têkilîya DYA û kurdan, no cigêrayîş Rojhelato Mîyanên de tesîrê averşîyayoxî yê aktoranê bêdewletanê sey ajananê sîyasetê teberî û dewletan reyde înteraksîyonanê nê aktoran tehqîq keno. Bi dayeyanê arşîvan û roportajanê qerardaranê sîyasetî reyde, no nuşte faktoranê ke Cengê Cîhanî yê II. ra heta krîzê Sûrîye yê nikayinî têkilîya DYA û kurdan ser o tesîr kerdo, ê faktoran çarçewaya teorîyanê bingeyênan yê beşê Têkilîya Mîyanneteweyî de analîz keno. Na meqale netîce de vana ke DYA besenêkerd polîtîkayêka kurdan a pêgirewtîye virazê, na kêmanîye kî Rojhelato Mîyanên de stratejîya DYA kena têmîyan û peynîye de faydeyê xo nêreseno menfeatanê DYA yê a herême. Abstract in Zazaki Destellat le kenarewe : keysêk derbarey hawrrayî le siyasetî derewey Emerîka da beramber be Kurdekan Em nûsîne le karîgerî geşesendinî hêzwektere bê-netewekan le ser siyasetî Rojhellatî Nawerrast da dekollêtewe, legell peywendiyan legell dewlletekan da le rêgayi şirovekirdinî peywendî nêwan wîlayete yekgirtwekanî Emerîka û Kurdekan da. Be têkellkirdinî datay erşîf û çawpêketin legell siyasetmedare emerîkî û Kurdekan da, em nûsîne şirovey ew fakterane dekat ke karîgeryan le ser peywendî nêwan wîlayete yekgrtwekanî emerîka û Kurdekan da hebuh le cengî cîhanî duwemewe heta qeyranî tazey Suriya, le çwarçêwey têore berbillawekan le zanistî peywendiye nîwdewlletiyekan da. Encamî wutareke eweye ke be hoy şikesthênan le dirustkirdinî siyasetêkî yekgirtû beramber Kurdekan, astengî bo planî Wîlayete Yekgrtwekanî Emerîka le Rojhellatî Nawerrast da dirust dekat û debête hoy dirustbûnî derencamî nerênî le qazancî Wîlayete Yekgirtwekanî Emerîka le nawçeke da.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-279
Author(s):  
Renata Christha Auli

Abstract The tensions between Muslim and Buddhist communities in Rakhine, Myanmar have escalated and became the international spotlight. Massacre in the Rohingya is a serious violation of human rights. In accordance with the functions of the United Nation, this international organization is expected to prevent and eliminate crimes against humanity that occur in the Rohingya. One of the main organs in charge of maintaining international peace and security is the UN Security Council. However, the fact that the United Nations failed to carry out its duties was because Russia has veto power and has blocked the statement which was expressed by UN Security council concerning this situation to punish Myanmar in resolving the Rohingya case, solely due to the political relationship between Russia and Myanmar. The failure of the United Nations is the world's debt to the Rohingya tribe, accordingly to redeem the debt it is needed reform of the UN Security Council.  Keywords: Humanitarian Crimes, Rohingya, Security Council, United Nations, Veto   Abstrak Perseteruan yang terjadi antara umat Muslim dan Buddha di Rakhine, Myanmar, kembali terjadi dan menjadi sorotan dunia internasional. Pembantaian di Rohingya merupakan pelanggaran berat terhadap hak asasi manusia. Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa (PBB) merupakan organisasi internasional yang diharapkan dapat mencegah dan menghapus kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan yang terjadi di Rohingya, sesuai dengan fungsi dari Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. Salah satu organ utama yang bertugas untuk menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan internasional adalah Dewan Keamanan PBB. Namun fakta yang terjadi PBB gagal dalam menjalankan tugasnya karena Rusia terus melakukan veto terhadap Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB untuk menghukum Myanmar dalam penyelesaian kasus Rohingya, karena semata- mata hubungan politik antara Rusia dengan Myanmar. Kegagalan PBB merupakan utang dunia terhadap suku Rohingya, sehingga untuk dapat menebus utang tersebut diperlukan reformasi Dewan Keamanan PBB. Kata Kunci: Dewan Keamanan, Kejahatan Kemanusiaan, Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa, Rohingya, Veto


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-138
Author(s):  
C.P.F. Luhulima

AbstractThailand’s borders with Myanmar, Laos, Cambodiaand Malaysia have been established through amapping process within the framework of theTreaty of Westfalpha. Since the England andFrance left Southeast Asia after World War II,Thailand questioned its borders with itsneighbouring countries and since then the borderissue between Thailand and her neighboursbecame the major issue. The attempts to resolvethe border conflict between Thailand andMyanmar have been conducted through“constructive engagement”, and through her policyof “changing battlefields to market places”. TheASEAN approach has been employed in her borderconflict with Cambodia. Cambodia’s attempt toinvolve the UN Security Council has been respondedby the Council to involve ASEAN in its resolution.The failure of the ASEAN approach made Cambodiato submit the issue to the ICJ in The Hague in April2011. On November 11, 2013 ICJ decided thatPreah Vihear and its surrounding area belong toCambodia. The source of the conflict with Malaysiawas not primarily about border, but it was apolitical complaint. The rebellion at the border areawill thus not terminate until the Thai authoritiesunderstand the complaints of the Muslim-Malaysat the border area. The ASEAN mechanism toresolve the inter-state conflict consists of bilateral,trilateral approaches, through the High Council andthe United Nations. The application of stepsbetween Thailand and its neighbours are thebilateral, trilateral steps and the one through theInternational Courtof Justice in The Hague.Keywords: Thailand, Myanmar, Malaysia, Kamboja,ASEAN, Dispute Settlement Mechanism AbstrakBatas Kerajaan Thailand dengan Myanmar, Laos,Kamboja dan Malaysia dibentuk melalui prosespemetaan di dalam kerangka Traktat Westfalia.Ketika Inggris dan Prancis mengundurkan dirisesudah Perang Dunia II, Thailand mempersoalkanperbatasannya dengan negara-negara tetangganya,sehingga perbatasan menjadi pokokpermasalahan. Sengketa dengan Myanmar diupayakanpenyelesainnya melalui “constructiveengagement”, dan dengan kebijakannya “changingbattlefields to market places”. Pendekatan ASEANdigunakan untuk menyelesaikan konflik denganKamboja. Pelibatan Dewan Keamanan PBB dijawabdengan meminta kedua belah pihak melibatkanASEAN. Kegagalan pendekatan ASEAN menyebabkanKamboja mengajukan kasus ini ke ICJ padaApril 2011. Pada 11 November 2013 MahkamahInternasional di Den Haag memutuskan bahwaCandi Preah Vihear dan wilayah sekitarnya adalahmilik Kamboja. Permasalahan dengan Malaysiabukanlah masalah perbatasan antara keduanegara melainkan keluhan politik, sehinggapemberontakan di perbatasan tidak akan berakhirsampai penguasa Thailand memahami keluhanorang-orang Muslim-Melayu di perbatasan.Mekanisme ASEAN untuk mengatasi sengketaantarnegara anggota terdiri dari langkah bilateral,trilateral, melalui pembentukan Dewan Tinggi danmelalui lembaga hukum PBB. Yang di-terapkandalam kasus sengketa perbatasan antara Thailanddan negara tetangganya ialah pendekatanbilateral dan trilateral serta melalui LembagaPeradilan PBB.Kata kunci: Thailand, Myanmar, Malaysia,Kamboja, ASEAN, Mekanisme PenyelesaianPerselisihan


2005 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. CHRISTOPHER JESPERSEN

The frequent use of the Vietnam analogy to describe the situation in Iraq underscores the continuing relevance of Vietnam for American history. At the same time, the Vietnam analogy reinforces the tendency to see current events within the context of the past. Politicians and pundits latch onto analogies as handles for understanding the present, but in so doing, they obscure more complicated situations. The con�ict in Iraq is not Vietnam, Korea, or World War II, but this article considers all three in an effort to see how the past has shaped, and continues to affect, the world the United States now faces.


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