Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 174-182
Author(s):  
Sarah Greer

This concluding chapter elucidates the larger points which emerged over the preceding chapters. Memorial centres like Gandersheim and Quedlinburg were able to embody and articulate concepts of identity, dynasty, and legitimacy to a broad audience. In an environment where various members of a new dynasty were trying to assert their claim to royal power, the centres tied to the family of Henry I and Queen Mathilda were positioned at the heart of political conflicts amongst their descendants. The women of Gandersheim and Quedlinburg were not passive figures in these conflicts, but instead carefully deployed new historical texts to shape their relationships with Ottonian rulers and external patrons for their own benefit.

Author(s):  
Todd Butler

As a tactic that sought to enable individuals to answer judicial interrogatories while simultaneously disguising the full substance and meaning of their answers, the Catholic doctrine of equivocation responded to the precarious position of Catholics in the late Elizabethan and early Jacobean eras. In providing a highly contested model for the shielding of one’s thoughts, equivocation also demonstrates the centrality of human cognition to the religious and political conflicts of the seventeenth century. Writers such as John Donne (Ignatius His Conclave) and Francis Bacon (Essays) evidence a similarly deep concern with the mind and its deliberative processes as marking boundaries for political citizenship and royal power. Viewed in these terms, mental reservation and equivocation become less a matter of theology than one of statecraft.


Author(s):  
Michael Questier

The accession of James VI of Scotland as James I of England and Great Britain triggered a series of negotiations as to what the new British polity would be like and how far the Elizabethan settlement of religion might be subject to alteration. James manipulated the agendas of a range of interest groups in order to remodel both the court and, in some sense, to remake the (British) State. One crucial aspect of that process was the making of peace with Spain and an attempt to shadow the major European royal houses without getting drawn into the political conflicts which replaced the wars which had concluded in 1598. But the attempt to maintain a quasi-nonconfessional mode of politics inevitably encountered a Protestant critique of the king and court which James sought to defuse by tacking his public pronouncements on papal authority to his, arguably, absolutist readings of royal power.


2020 ◽  
pp. 96-118
Author(s):  
Inna Rybalkina

Contemporaries describe the adoption of the Family Code of Morocco in 2004 as Moroccan women’s “velvet revolution”. One of the most advanced family codes of the Arab-Muslim world was adopted as a result of the complex relationship between the Royal power, Islamic traditionalists, secular parties and women’s associations. It has influenced the reform of similar sections of state legislation in other countries in the region. But it has not yet found its reflection in the works of Russian researchers in social history. The article attempts to consider a brief historical retrospective of the law, the main stages of its adoption and modern problems of its implementation in practice, the feminist movement struggle, the counteraction of powerful Islamic forces and traditional society’s overwhelming public opinion, including Moroccan women’s traditionalist convictions. The reformation of the Code under the influence of international legal documents and declarations was made possible by the country’s achievement of a certain level of the socio-economic basis and socio-political relations.


Africa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan

AbstractIn Niger, there is an increasing rejection ofpolitik(a term with highly pejorative connotations): that is, party politics and the politics of democracy, characterized by personal rivalries and power struggles between clans and factions. But there is a direct link (albeit not a causal one) between the social perceptions of intra-familial rivalries and the social perceptions of political rivalries. The archetypical relationship among thebaab-izey(children of one father but different mothers) is characterized by competition and jealousy. This is a product of the latent rivalry that pits co-wives against each other. Polygamy is clearly at odds with a number of received ideas and clichés about ‘the African family’ as primarily a locus of support and solidarity. Such formal social norms may reign in public situations, but in private de facto practical norms give rise to subtle discriminations and the omnipresence of more or less hidden conflicts within the family. The same is true for the political microcosm of Niger. While the public norm of the concern for the public good is supposed to regulate political behaviours, rivalry and jealousy are structural components of the political world. Thebaab-izeypattern is frequently used in reference to politicians. Political conflicts are above all personal/factional conflicts in which friends and supporters are implicated, and are rivalries of proximity. In the familial space as in the political space, ‘magico-religious entrepreneurs’ (i.e. experts in the occult) are merely an ‘accelerator’ of these conflicts: they reinforce suspicions about the familial or political entourage, which, in turn, intensify rivalries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 363
Author(s):  
Mazro'atus Sa'adah

Abstract: Islamic political thought emerged after Islam, through Prophet Muhammad, succeeded in forming a new community to transfer the royal power  to the Prophethood power and then to the people power. The Prophet Muhammad was considered successful in arranging his new community that was controlled by his teachings in all aspects of life. The problems arose after his death, which ultimately led to the idea of succession. This article tried to discuss why the succession arose after Prophet Muhammad died, how the thinking of the Islamic political figures of the pre-modern about the succession was, and what the  contribution of this succession to political Islam in Indonesia was. By using a historical approach, it was found that the Prophet Muhammad never specified who would replace him: however, when he died (632 AD), the Sahabats chose a leader (imam/chaliphate). In the reign of era of Abu Bakr, Umar and Usman, many disputes were initially linked to the religion’s interests but later they evolved into a political interests. When Ali bin Abi Talib was appointed as caliph, the prolonged political conflicts linked to the killing of Usman had made caliphate into Jamal war between Aishah and Ali. At this time the different interests of aqidah were politicized further into a political interest. This dynamics of political situation caused the birth of classical Islamic political schools which were divided into three major schools such as Sunni, Shiite and Khawarij, from which emerged the terms caliphate, imamate, ahlul halli wal aqdi, bay'ah, Walayah and others. Of the three political sects, then the idea of Islamic political thought which was very complex  came from  Islamic political leaders of pre-modern heavily influenced by Greek philosophers. In Indonesia, the succession (khilafah) of Islamic political thought at pre-modern times was once under consideration. However, that idea has not been realized because Indonesia is not an Islamic State.الملخص: نشأت الفكرة السياسية الإسلامية منذ نجاح النبي صلى الله عليه وسلّم في تغيير أمة من الرئاسة القبيلية إلى أمة جديدة. هو ناجح في سياسة الأمة على أساس التعاليم الدينية. ظهرت المشكلة بعد وفاة النبيّ صلى الله عليه وسلّم، فبها نشأت الفكرة عن الخلافة. حاولت هذه المقالة إجابة الأسئلة : لما وقعت الخلافة بعد وفاة النبي صلى الله عليه وسلّم ؟، ما أفكار مفكّري السياسة الإسلامية في العصر قبل العصر الحديث عن الخلافة ومدى آثار هذه الأفكار في السياسة الإسلامية في إندونيسيا؟. حصل الباحث – بالمدخل التاريخي – على النتائج، منها أن النبيّ صلى الله عليه وسلّم لا يعيّن من يكون خليفة بعد وفاته. وحين توفّي النبيّ صلى الله عليه وسلّم اختار الصحابة الخليفة. وفي خلافة أبى بكر الصدّيق وعمر وعثمان رضي الله عنهم وقعت خلافات عقائدية ثم تغيّرت إلى نزاعات سياسية. وفي خلافة عليّ بن أبي طالب حدثت خلافات سياسية طويلة عن مقتل عثمان فتؤدّى إلى وقوع معركة الجمل بين عائشة وعليّ بن أبي طالب.  في هذا الحين ظهرت المذاهب السياسية الإسلامية القديمة (أهل السنة والجماعة، والشيعة، والخوارج) ومنها نشأت مصطلحات : الخلافة، والإمامة، وأهل الحلّ والعقد، والبيعة، والولاية وغيرها). ومن هذه المذاهب ظهرت الفكرة السياسية الإسلامية المعقّدة من رجال السياسة الإسلامية قبل العصر الحديث المتأثرة بأفكار فلاسفة اليونان. وقد نوقشت في إندونيسيا الفكرة عن الخلافة  في منظور السياسة الإسلامية في العصر قبل العصر الحديث. ولكن لم تطبّق هذه الأفكار في مجال اختيار رئيس الدولة، لأن إندونيسيا ليست من الدول الإسلامية. Abstrak: Pemikiran politik Islam muncul setelah Islam melalui Nabi Muhammad SAW berhasil membentuk sebuah ummat baru, dari peralihan kekuasaan kerajaan/kesukuan kepada Nabi yang kemudian kepada umat. Nabi Muhammad dinilai berhasil dalam mengatur komunitas barunya yang dikendalikan oleh ajarannya dalam seluruh lini kehidupan. Persoalan muncul kemudian setelah beliau wafat, yang akhirnya memunculkan pemikiran tentang suksesi. Artikel ini akan membahas tentang mengapa terjadi suksesi setelah Nabi Muhammad SAW wafat, bagaimana pemikiran para tokoh politik Islam masa pra modern terkait dengan suksesi, dan apa kontribusi pemikiran suksesi ini terhadap politik Islam di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah, ditemukan bahwa Nabi Muhammad tidak menetapkan siapa yang akan menggantikannya, dan ketika beliau wafat (632 M), para sahabat memilih seorang pemimpin (imam/khalifah). Masa pemerintahan Abu Bakar, Umar dan Usman banyak terjadi perselisihan yang awalnya terkait kepentingan agama namun berkembang menjadi kepentingan politik. Ketika Ali bin Abi Talib diangkat sebagai khalifah, konflik politik berkepanjangan berkaitan dengan pembunuhan Usman, menjadikan timbulnya perang jamal antara Aisyah dan Ali. Pada masa ini perbedaan kepentingan aqidah dipolitisir lebih jauh menjadi sebuah kepentingan politik. Dinamika politik ini kemudian melahirkan mazhab politik Islam klasik yang terbagi dalam tiga mazhab besar yaitu Sunni, Syi'ah dan Khawarij, yang darinya muncul istilah-istilah khilafah, imamah, ahlul halli wal aqdi, bay’ah, walayah dan lain-lain. Dari ketiga mazhab politik ini, kemudian muncul ide pemikiran politik Islam yang sangat kompleks dan berkepanjangan dari para tokoh politik Islam pra modern yang banyak dipengaruhi oleh filosof Yunani. Di Indonesia, pemikiran suksesi dalam politik Islam masa pra modern ini pernah diwacanakan. Namun untuk pemilihan kepala Negara belum terealisasi mengingat Indonesia bukan Negara Islam.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302199914
Author(s):  
Anamika Ajay

Literature on Indian politics has largely under-examined the role of the family in shaping party politics with the exception of the studies on dynasticism. There is a paucity of research that looks at the complex ways in which intimate lives and party politics are intertwined. This article contributes to the existing feminist analyses of Indian party politics by conceptualizing politics and political labour in a way that does not exclude the role of the family. It presents the case study of a village in northern Kerala, which has been witnessing heightened political conflicts to show how personal experiences and family disputes get politicized. As domestic and political spheres bleed into each other, political parties become hugely dependent on feminine ideals and women’s everyday labour, affects and sociality to survive electoral competitions. Yet, the patriarchal family and masculinized local party leadership use gender ideologies to celebrate hypermasculine political participation, undervalue women’s labour and limit their political aspirations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-254
Author(s):  
Mária Homoki-Nagy

Transylvania was part of the mediaeval Kingdom of Hungary beginning from the founding of this kingdom and until the year 1540, when, due to historic circumstances, it became for a time a separate entity. The development of private law in this historical space was therefore in the beginning in large part convergent with that of Hungary. However, having a multi-ethnic population consisting of Hungarians, Szeklers, Saxons, and Romanians, with the first three nationalities benefitting from different, autonomous forms of administrative organization, a lot is to be said of specific Transylvanian private law. This study presents those elements and sources of private law which characterized legal relationships in Transylvania beginning with the founding of the Kingdom of Hungary and until the separation of this region from Hungary due to Ottoman conquest. We examine the major sources of law, consisting of customary law, statutory law, and acts of royal power. We then present in summarized form the main characteristics and provisions of the law applicable to persons, the family, immovable and movable property but also inheritance. Some specific private law regulations applicable to Szeklers and Saxons are also presented as well as the perspective of Romanian legal literature regarding the private law applicable to Romanians.


2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Klass

In most times and places, the focus of continuing bonds is on the well-being and activity of the dead that are linked to the well-being and activity of the living. In this article we describe continuing bonds across cultures by focusing on the dead. Three relationships between the living and the dead organize our thinking. First, the family dead in which living and dead offer help to each other. Second, the hostile dead that threaten the well being of the living. Third, the political dead in which the living enlisting the dead in political conflicts, and the dead motivate the living to battle on their behalf. Shifting the focus this way allows us to see that continuing bonds play important roles in larger narratives as well as in individual and family narratives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 4451-4458
Author(s):  
Phramaha Wiset Sorphobdee Et al.

The objectives of this research were: 1) to study the students' opinions on Politicians' Buddhist morality; 2) to analyze personal factors affecting students' opinions on politicians' Buddhist morality; and 3) To study recommendations on politicians' Buddhist morality. The samples were 269 students at Mahamakut Buddhist University: Lanna campus, Chiang Mai, Thailand to whom questionnaires were distributed for collecting of data which were analyzed through frequency, percentage, mean, standard deviation, and 2-test by setting the statistical significance at 0.05. The research Results were found that: 1) The overall level of Buddhist morality of Thai politicians as perceived by students in all three aspects was low with a mean of 2.12 and a standard deviation of 1.216. The aspect with highest mean was the principles of building the righteousness, followed by the principles of building the unity, and the principles of building the solutions of conflicts.  2) The test of hypothesis revealed that the gender does not affect the students' opinions towards politicians' Buddhist morality, which does not meet the defined hypothesis, while the age and educational year affect the students' opinions towards politicians' Buddhist morality, which meets the defined hypothesis at 0.05, and 3) The students provided their recommendations on the political problems of Thai politicians in terms of the Buddhist morality that “Politicians always think of oneself, self-centered, do not listen to the opinions of others, one’s own ideas are dominant, different ideas and other aspects cause disturbance and dissatisfaction of money gained, political conflicts, and divided groups of citizens”. In addition, they provided their recommendations on the development of Buddhist morality for politicians that “Listen to each other, reliance on rightness rather than pleasure, adhesion to the teachings as main practices and way of life, recognition of causes and effects, do not listen to only one side, leaders should follow Buddhist concepts, no selflessness or hurting to others, politicians should have the precepts, meditation and wisdom, should more concentrate during talking, building of love to the family, and teaching of children for the future of nation”.


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