Derivation and the morphological complexity of three French-based creoles

Author(s):  
Fabiola Henri ◽  
Gregory Stump ◽  
Delphine Tribout

Creolistic research persistently asserts the simplicity of creoles, citing as evidence the claimed poverty of creole morphology. Yet, creoles not only exhibit morphology, but evince a surprising degree of morphological complexity. Drawing on the evidence of derivational morphology from three different French-based creoles − Mauritian (Indian Ocean), Haitian, and Guadeloupean (Caribbean) – the current contribution provides new evidence for this claim. It pursues a view of morphological complexity where the interaction of a lexeme's inventory of forms with its participation in deverbal derivation contributes to the integrative complexity of a language's morphology. Such a perspective is compatible with psycholinguistic approaches to language acquisition and language change.

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-127
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Dziubalska-Kołaczyk

Abstract This paper shows how preferability measures can help to explain the cross-linguistic distribution of consonant clusters, their acquisition, as well as aspects of their diachronic development. Phonological preferability is measured in terms of cluster size and Net Auditory Distance, which interact with morphological complexity and frequency. Predictions derived from the preferability of clusters are tested against the evidence of language specific phonotactics, language use, language acquisition, psycholinguistic processing, and language change.


2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEDRO GUIJARRO-FUENTES ◽  
KIMBERLY L. GEESLIN

In several of the most widely read Spanish grammars an entire chapter is devoted to the two copular verbs in Spanish, ser “to be” and estar “to be”, and their many contexts of use (Bull, 1965; Solé and Solé, 1977; Whitley, 1986; Bosque and Demonte, 1999; King and Suñer, 1999; Butt and Benjamin, 2000). For some, the interest in this structure stems from the range of meanings that can be expressed with these two forms, whereas for others it is the variability in the use of these verbs with adjectives, existing between groups, individuals and particular social contexts, that generates inquiry. The combination of these two traits makes the contrast difficult to acquire and likely to be lost or weakened in contexts of language attrition or language contact (Silva-Corvalán, 1986; Geeslin, 2002) and this complexity makes the copula contrast in Spanish an excellent mechanism for exploring broader issues such as theories of acquisition and language change, which are of value to a readership well beyond those working directly on Spanish. After a brief description of the distribution of ser and estar, we provide an overview of the various theoretical descriptions of the copula contrast that exist and their implications for research on bilingualism. Next, we provide a description of the papers in this volume, and outline the areas of interest for readers whose research extends beyond Spanish grammar.


Nordlyd ◽  
10.7557/12.21 ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thorbjörg Hróarsdóttir

The aim of this paper is to present diachronic changes in terms of the conditions of first language acquisition. Grammars, seen as mental organs, may change between two generations. A change is initiated when (a population of) learners converge on a grammatical system which differs in at least one parameter value from the system internalized by the speakers of the previous generation. Learnability issues then connect to both language acquisition and language change, and understanding language changes depends on understanding how children acquire their native language. Acquisition is a process in which Universal Grammar (UG) interacts with a context-specific set of Primary Linguistic Data (PLD: the linguistic input to the child-learner) and uses these PLD as the source for triggers or cues that map the innate (preexperience) knowledge to a mature grammar. If a certain phenomenon has survived through many generations, it must have been reflected clearly in the PLD. Then, if we note that it has changed, something in the language performance of the previous generation must have changed, and thereby paved the way for a new interpretation. Innovation leading to linguistic variation in the PLD and gradual changes in PLD play a central role in the explanation here: the immediate cause of a grammar change must lie in some alternation in the PLD. We will look at how the language spoken in a certain community (E-language) may gradually become different from the language that originally served as the triggering experience. These changes in the E-language also mean changes in the input available to the child-learners of the next generation and a motivation for a different parameter setting has arisen.


2002 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-125
Author(s):  
J. Clancy Clements

Editor Michel DeGraff provides us with a thought-provoking collection of studies that address topics involving language acquisition, creole formation, language change, and the connections between the three phenomena. One of the main goals of the volume is to arrive at a better understanding of the interaction between the “extraordinary external factors” surrounding the formation of pidgins and creoles and the “ordinary internal factors” involving U(niversal) G(rammar)–constrained language invention (p. 11), a UG-type repackaging of Thomason's ordinary-processes–extraordinary-results take on language mixture. The underlying theme DeGraff uses to connect the varied contributions is, in fact, UG: “This volume is seeking the right ‘version of universalist influence interpreted as constraints on the formal structure of creoles, in fact of natural language'” (p. 17). In characterizing the processes of pidginization and creolization, DeGraff chooses a narrow definition, that of the plantation situation (p. 2), thus disregarding interethnic pidgins and creoles (e.g., Hiri Motu and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea) and fort creoles (e.g., many of the Portuguese-based creoles). Although DeGraff does not point this out, he does mention other biases of the book: (a) it focuses only on morphosyntax from a generative UG-like focus; (b) it largely neglects variationist and quantitative approaches; (c) it does not explore the connection between UG and all-purpose cognitive structures (except Newport; see below); and (d) it considers only a subset of creoles that emerged from contact with European colonizers.


1996 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-213
Author(s):  
Christopher Stroud

This article explores briefly some phenomena of potential indigenization of the Portuguese spoken in Mozambique. Data for the study has been taken from work that is currently underway in Maputo, Mozambique, that was originally initiated to investigate contact varieties of Portuguese and to probe their educational implications. Speech samples comprise formal interviews and non-formal encounters from a socio-demographically representative sample of informants. The article first provides an inventory of some non-standard European Portuguese variants that are found in this data, and subsequently focusses upon a discussion of what contribution different linguistic processes make to indigenization, specifically the role played by processes of second language acquisition in a context of massive and diffuse language contact and change. Special attention is also paid to the social contexts in which different manifestations of language contact are found, and the importance of linguistic ideology for the form that language contact takes in particular cases is explored. The article concludes with the suggestion that the salient characteristics of types of non-native speech community such as Maputo require a reconceptualization of models and methods of contact linguistics and second language acquisition, and that this in turn carries implications for the terms of reference and analysis to which indigenization need be related.


Author(s):  
Katya Pertsova

This chapter aims to introduce readers not familiar with computational modelling to some approaches and issues in the formal study of learnability, and the relevance of this field to theoretical linguistics and inflectional morphology in particular. After a general overview, the chapter highlights some of the obstacles in learning inflection. Inflection, considered separately from other components of language, is relatively restricted in its expressive power, which should make it easier to learn than syntax. However, inflectional systems are full of irregularities and mismatches between different levels of structure, and such irregularities make learning difficult. Overall, it is concluded that linguistically interesting proposals for machine learning of inflection should provide explanations for the nature and extent of irregularities and for the specific patterns of language acquisition and language change.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-264
Author(s):  
Mikael Parkvall

Abstract Almost all creolists see creole formation as a case of (failed) second language acquisition. I argue that there are good reasons to distinguish between second language acquisition and pidginisation/creolisation, and that little is gained by equating the two. While learners have an extant language as their target, pidginisers typically aim to communicate (in any which way) rather than to acquire a specific language. In this sense, pidginisation represents, if not “conscious language change”, at least “conscious language creation”.


2002 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID W. LIGHTFOOT

Only a small number of the world's languages have any kind of recorded history over more than a few generations, and in no case do records go back more than a few thousand years. From some perspectives, this doesn't matter. There are plenty of grammars to write and plenty of changes to describe accurately and then to explain in these recorded histories. Explanations for structural changes may be grounded in grammatical theory, and careful examination of historical changes, where the goal is explanation for how and why they happened, sometimes leads to innovations in grammatical theory, illuminating the nature of grammatical categories or the conditions for movement operations, for example. That has been the focus of some work on language change and data from changes have been used to argue for claims not only about grammatical theory but also about language acquisition, that children learn only from simple structures (DEGREE-0 COMPLEX) and that acquisition is cue-based (Lightfoot 1991, 1999). That is not to say, of course, that these propositions could not have been based on other kinds of data, but the fact is that they were based on analyses of historical change. From analyses of historical changes, we have learned things about the nature of the language faculty and about how it develops in children, unhampered by the limited inventory of changes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaclav Brezina ◽  
Gabriele Pallotti

Morphological complexity (MC) is a relatively new construct in second language acquisition (SLA). After critically discussing existing approaches to calculating MC in first- and second-language acquisition research, this article presents a new operationalization of the construct, the Morphological Complexity Index (MCI). The MCI is applied in two case studies based on argumentative written texts produced by native and non-native speakers of Italian and English. Study 1 shows that morphological complexity varies between native and non-native speakers of Italian, and that it is significantly lower in learners with lower proficiency levels. The MCI is strongly correlated to proficiency, measured with a C-test, and also shows significant correlations with other measures of linguistic complexity, such as lexical diversity and sentence length. Quite a different picture emerges from Study 2, on advanced English learners. Here, morphological complexity remains constant across natives and non-natives, and is not significantly correlated to other text complexity measures. These results point to the fact that morphological complexity in texts is a function of speakers’ proficiency and the specific language under investigation; for some linguistic systems with a relatively simple inflectional morphology, such as English, learners will soon reach a threshold level after which inflectional diversity remains constant.


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