Holiday legislation as remedy

Author(s):  
Yaara Benger Alaluf

The chapter analyses parliamentary papers, documents from labour unions, moralist writings, and publications in the press in order to enquire into how political and legislative actors in late-nineteenth-century Britain sought to legitimize workers’ holidays. It gives special attention to the ways in which medical knowledge—with its newly gained authority—and the shift in interest from physical to emotional conditions influenced approaches to working hours, leisure time, and holiday legislation. The chapter details the ways in which shifting perceptions of health, class, gender, and emotions influenced legislation; this stands in contrast to previous research, which focused on the effect of economic interests and conditions. Similarly, it discusses how the pathologization of ‘the worker’ by the medical community helped make legislation more egalitarian and how it ultimately facilitated the inclusion of the working classes into the established middle-class holiday culture. The chapter asserts that holiday legislation gave concrete expression to a new understanding of emotions and work that ultimately took the form of particular rights. In this sense, it analyses the overlap between the emotional economy and the moral economy, revealing the relation between contested views on the significance of emotions and the legitimation of certain social practices. Furthermore, the chapter addresses a question that has been overlooked in extant research: ‘Why were watering places considered the ideal destination for workers’ holidays?’ It elucidates the influential role played by the traditional therapeutic view of watering places in converting spa and seaside resorts into major holiday destinations for all social classes.

1979 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 415-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. W. Bebbington

The late nineteenth-century city posed problems for English nonconformists. The country was rapidly being urbanised. By 1881 over one third of the people lived in cities with a population of more than one hundred thousand. The most urbanised areas gave rise to the greatest worry of all the churches: large numbers there were failing to attend services. The religious census of 1851 had already shown that the largest towns were the places where there were the fewest worshippers, although nonconformists gained some crumbs of comfort from the knowledge that nonconformist attendances were greater than those of the church of England. Unofficial surveys in the 1880S revealed no improvement. Instead, although few were immediately conscious of it, in that decade the membership of all the main evangelical nonconformist denominations began to fall relative to population. And it was always the same social group that was most conspicuously unreached: the lower working classes, the bottom of the social pyramid. In poor neighbourhoods church attendance was lowest. In Bethnal Green at the turn of the twentieth century, for instance, only 6.8% of the adult population attended chapel, and only 13.3% went to any place of worship. Consequently nonconformists, like Anglicans, were troubled by the weakness of their appeal.


2001 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Britt-Louise Gunnarsson

The article presents a socio-semantic study of evaluative expressions in medical scientific articles from six periods from the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Evaluations relating to the presentations of the medical case, the scientist’s own work and the work of other scientists were studied. The results of the analyses point to a gradual change in the directness of the evaluations; where the author earlier evaluated through his own voice, the modern author chooses to evaluate indirectly through facts and others’ voices. The evaluations were also found to gradually be less strong and more embedded in hedgings of various kinds. The changes in evaluative strength and style reveal the varied positions of the scientists and their scientific community as to the medical knowledge, the stage of the medical community and the role of the medical scientists in society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 760-777 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cinzia D Solari

Although migration scholars have called for studying both ends of migration, few studies have empirically done so. In this article the author analyzes ethnographic data conducted with migrant careworkers in Italy, many undocumented, and their non-migrant children in Ukraine to uncover the meanings they assign to monetary and also social remittances defined as the transfer of ideas, behaviors, and values between sending and receiving countries. The author argues that migrants and non-migrant children within transnational families produce a transnational moral economy or a set of social norms based on a shared migration discourse – in this case, either poverty or European aspirations – which governs economic and social practices in both sending and receiving sites. The author found that these contrasting transnational moral economies resulted in the production of ‘Soviet’ versus ‘capitalist’ subjectivities with consequences for migrant practices of integration in Italy, consumption practices for migrants and their non-migrant children, and for Ukraine’s nation-state building project.


INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.


Author(s):  
Richa Dwor

This chapter looks at the role of Judaism in late nineteenth-century culture, focussing on the life of Lily Montagu, whose importance lies in her activism and the unique way that she brought her faith (liberal Jewish) and her politics (socialist) into productive relationship. Montagu’s unorthodox career-path is traced and her social work and theology mapped in relation to larger debates about the Sabbath and sweated industries, at a time of heightened anxiety that Jewry was riven by a socialism in its midst. The chapter shows how models for female independence were in practice more varied than those represented in the press.


2018 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Scholer ◽  
Munim Ali Khan ◽  
Aastha Tandon ◽  
Kenneth Swan ◽  
Ravi J. Chokshi

In today's medical community, when people say the name Herman Boerhaave, most assimilate it to Boerhaave syndrome. His influence on medicine is seen every day in hospitals around the world. His methodologies revolutionized medical education and the way physicians approach the examination of patients. It has been said that during the Age of Reason, he was the “Bearer of the Enlightenment of Medicine.” He is a forgotten father of medicine. To preserve medical history, educators should give students a brief summary of the contributors to medicine to remind us how much of their lives they gave to further medical knowledge.


1984 ◽  
Vol 23 (01) ◽  
pp. 9-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Miller

SummaryINTERNIST-1 is an experimental computer program for consultation in general internal medicine. On a series of test cases, its performance has been shown to be similar to that of staff physicians at a university hospital. Despite INTERNIST-1’s apparent success in dealing with complex cases involving multiple diagnoses in the same patient, many shortcomings in both its knowledge representation schemes and its diagnostic algorithms still remain. Among the known problems are lack of anatomical and temporal reasoning, inadequate representation of degrees of severity of findings and illnesses, and failure to reason properly about causality. These drawbacks must be corrected before INTERNIST-1’s successor program, CADUCEUS, can be used. It is estimated that CADUCEUS will not be ready for release to the general medical community for five to ten years.Broader problems faced by all medical diagnostic consultant systems are: design of an efficient human interface; development and completion of medical knowledge bases; expansion of diagnostic algorithms from simple heuristic rules to include a range of complex reasoning strategies, and development of a method for validating computer programs for clinical use.


2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (572) ◽  
pp. 94-126
Author(s):  
William Mulligan

Abstract The decision of Gladstone’s government to invade and occupy Egypt in 1882 remains one of the most contentious in late nineteenth-century British political and imperial history. This article examines the decision-making process in June and July 1882, revisiting Robinson and Gallagher’s influential study in the light of more recent historiographical research and previously unused sources. It looks at who made the critical decisions, what their preoccupations were, and how they were able to get Cabinet approval. Hartington and Northbrook were the two key figures, who co-operated to overturn Gladstone’s and Granville’s policy in June 1882. Yet their co-operation was momentary and they found themselves on different sides of the argument over the participation of Indian forces and international support. Although they shared a sense of Egypt’s importance to British imperial security, they each had a distinctive approach, so that the decision to occupy cannot be reduced to a conflict between Whig pragmatists and Radical idealists. The article also shows how the Alexandria riot on 11 June altered the context of decision-making by shifting the mood in the parliamentary Liberal party towards intervention. Parliament, not the press, was the crucial site of ‘public opinion’ in the Egyptian crisis in June and July 1882.


2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-96
Author(s):  
Daniel Sacchi ◽  
Michael Belingheri ◽  
Roberto Mazzagatti ◽  
Paolo Zampetti ◽  
Michele Augusto Riva

Movies could provide unexpected information on the state of medical knowledge in different historical periods. The first centenary of the German silent horror movie Das Cabinet des Dr. Caligari (The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari) by Robert Wiene (1873–1938) could be a timely occasion to reflect on the scientific debate of hypnosis and its legal implications between the 19th and the 20th century. In particular, this article describes the positions of the School of Salpêtrière (Charcot) and the School of Nancy (Bernheim) on the possibility of crimes committed by subjects under hypnosis and the influence of these theories on medical community and public opinion of Germany in the interwar period.


Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Turner

Instances where men were the victims of female violence in the past are very difficult to explore, especially when the violence took place in a domestic setting. There is now a notable body of work on violence in the nineteenth century but none that looks specifically at male victims of violence where there was a female perpetrator, and their treatment by the courts. This article goes some way in filling that gap by using data collected in researching female offenders at the end of the nineteenth century in Stafford. It argues that, as with violence where there was a female victim and female perpetrator, the courts and the press were similarly unconcerned and somewhat dismissive of female violence towards men in a domestic setting, thus being unsympathetic towards male victims of female violence.


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