Decisions for Empire: Revisiting the 1882 Occupation of Egypt*

2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (572) ◽  
pp. 94-126
Author(s):  
William Mulligan

Abstract The decision of Gladstone’s government to invade and occupy Egypt in 1882 remains one of the most contentious in late nineteenth-century British political and imperial history. This article examines the decision-making process in June and July 1882, revisiting Robinson and Gallagher’s influential study in the light of more recent historiographical research and previously unused sources. It looks at who made the critical decisions, what their preoccupations were, and how they were able to get Cabinet approval. Hartington and Northbrook were the two key figures, who co-operated to overturn Gladstone’s and Granville’s policy in June 1882. Yet their co-operation was momentary and they found themselves on different sides of the argument over the participation of Indian forces and international support. Although they shared a sense of Egypt’s importance to British imperial security, they each had a distinctive approach, so that the decision to occupy cannot be reduced to a conflict between Whig pragmatists and Radical idealists. The article also shows how the Alexandria riot on 11 June altered the context of decision-making by shifting the mood in the parliamentary Liberal party towards intervention. Parliament, not the press, was the crucial site of ‘public opinion’ in the Egyptian crisis in June and July 1882.

Author(s):  
Richa Dwor

This chapter looks at the role of Judaism in late nineteenth-century culture, focussing on the life of Lily Montagu, whose importance lies in her activism and the unique way that she brought her faith (liberal Jewish) and her politics (socialist) into productive relationship. Montagu’s unorthodox career-path is traced and her social work and theology mapped in relation to larger debates about the Sabbath and sweated industries, at a time of heightened anxiety that Jewry was riven by a socialism in its midst. The chapter shows how models for female independence were in practice more varied than those represented in the press.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuval Ben-Bassat

This article evaluates collective petitions (arz-ı mahzars) sent to Istanbul from Gaza at the end of the nineteenth century as a way of assessing the political mood of the elite in Ottoman provincial towns. Gaza was the theatre of considerable tension, cleavages, and rivalry among its elite. One of the key questions in this context is the implications of sending collective petitions from towns such as Gaza to the imperial centre given the political censorship and the absence of free press at a time when there was nonetheless greater communication between the centre and the provinces, and an altered relationship between the state and its subjects. Thus more than ever before collective petitions represented local political alignments and what could be very cautiously defined as ‘public opinion’ among the elite in provincial Ottoman towns such as Gaza.


2015 ◽  
Vol 157 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis Cryle

This article examines the role of telegraphy and newspapers in the provision of weather news during the late nineteenth century. In order to trace the transformation from data to news, the discussion begins by documenting the formation of both technical and professional meteorological networks, at a time when government observers across the colonies began to compile joint reports for an expanding reading public. In this respect, its focus will be primarily on the use of the inter-colonial telegraph, and upon two influential observers operating in different Australian colonies: Charles Todd in South Australia and Clement Wragge in Queensland. In order to explore the development of colonial weather networks in the age of the telegraph, the article examines the protracted press and professional controversy that arose between these two media personalities, and maps the transformation of weather telegrams into news by late colonial newspapers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johanna Wassholm

In the 1880s, the arrival of a new group of traders was noted in Finnish- and Swedish-languagenewspapers published in the Grand Duchy of Finland. The newcomers were Muslim Tatars, pettytraders originating in a few villages south of Nizhny Novgorod. They found a livelihood in marketand itinerant trade in the Russian Empire. This article examines depictions of Tatar mobile tradersin the late nineteenth-century press in Finland. While petty trade has left fragmentary traces inhistorical sources, the Finnish National Library’s digital newspaper database offers new possibilitiesto create an overview of how the press depicted relations between the early Tatar itineranttraders and the local sedentary society. Through the concepts of space and practices, the articlediscusses the following topics: fairs as a space for ethnic encounters, Tatar trading practices andinteraction with local customers, the traders’ use of space and tactics in relation to formal regulationand the fairs as a “threatening” space. The article contributes new knowledge on the earlyperiod of Tatar presence in Finland, relatively invisible in previous research, and on the multiethniccharacter of late nineteenth-century petty trade.


1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard B. Kielbowicz

Low second-class postage made it easy for national magazines and regional newspapers to reach their readers in the late nineteenth century. But the Post Office and some members of Congress questioned the wisdom of a policy that enabled advertising-filled publications to circulate at subsidized rates. This article traces the efforts to reform the postal policy governing periodicals, which became enmeshed in Progressive Era debates about the value of mass culture and government's role in promoting it.


1972 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel J. Richards

The early years of the twentieth century prior to the outbreak of World War I have been described as a period in which the Liberal Party was in a state of decline. One significant aspect of this decline was the deterioration of what in the late nineteenth century has been labelled as political nonconformity. Gladstone's statement that Nonconformists supplied the backbone of British Liberalism perhaps best symbolises the political significance of this group for the vitality of the Liberal Party.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marion GLAUMAUD-CARBONNIER ◽  

Promulgated in July 1884, the divorce law introduces a new character in late nineteenth century French literature: the figure of the divorcee. This woman, who is very little portrayed in novels, however intrigues the press because of her unprecedented social status. In the short stories published in newspapers, the divorced woman often appears at tea time, a gallant Parisian hour that serves as a setting for gossip. The aim of this paper is therefore to enlighten, by using a sociopoetic approach, these figures of the crépuscule.


2021 ◽  
pp. 221-223
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn

This chapter examines the emancipations which were not the result of British or American arm-twisting. Brazil did not emancipate its slaves even after a second British naval assault — a blockade of Rio de Janeiro. What induced Brazil to change? On the one hand, the slaves mobilized themselves. The late nineteenth century saw increasing uprisings by black populations and increasing numbers of organized mass escapes as groups of slaves made runs for the frontier. On the other hand, Brazil urbanized. The urban population had no vested interest in slavery, so abolitionist groups formed in the larger Brazilian cities just as they had formed in Britain. Change in public opinion led to the abolition of serfdom in Russia as well.


1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid Marsot

The history of the pictorial cartoon is a very recent one in Egypt, dating from the late nineteenth century when the popular press was established. Like many newspapers founded at the time, the 1870s, the cartoon began as an expression of growing feelings of antagonism towards the ruler, in the hands of a few men who formed the intelligentsia of the day. They set about to create and direct a public opinion which was then nonexistent, but which they hoped to mould into an instrument to use against a corrupt and autocratic administration. Very little work, if any at all, has been done on the sociology of the Egyptian cartoon, and I will not here undertake such a monumental task for which I am ill qualified; but within the limits of this article I can give the reader an historical background of the cartoon in Egypt.


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