Keeping Gender on the Agenda for International Benches

Author(s):  
J Jarpa Dawuni

This chapter analyses the descriptive, symbolic, and substantive representation of women judges in international courts and tribunals. The last couple of years have witnessed slow progress in the quest to achieve sex balanced or gender parity benchmarks on the benches of international courts. While some courts have made incremental progress, others are still lagging. Using the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACtHPR) as a case study, this chapter explores the factors that have contributed to the court’s gender parity outcomes in recent years. Moving beyond discussions of why women should be appointed, the chapter advances an argument on how to achieve gender parity through the creative interplay of three factors—legal instruments, specific strategies, and vested actors. The chapter makes a contribution to the literature on gender and diversity in international courts by highlighting some best practices for achieving and sustaining gender parity on the benches of international courts.

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-481
Author(s):  
Marianne Tøraasen

AbstractFollowing the adoption of the Senegalese Law on Parity and the subsequent influx of women to the National Assembly, we saw a strong gendered polarisation of attitudes towards women as political leaders among the Senegalese population. This study explores whether similar attitudinal changes are found among political elites in the Senegalese National Assembly. Theory suggests that an increase in the number of women elected to legislatures (‘descriptive representation’) will challenge people's perceptions of politics as a male domain and strengthen belief in women's ability to govern (‘symbolic representation’). Although the effects of gender quotas on women's representation has received considerable scholarly attention, the field of symbolic representation remains under-studied. A case study of the effects of the Senegalese parity law addresses this knowledge gap, contributing with new empirical insights. This study also develops indicators that can help measure potential developments in the symbolic representation of women. Parity appears to have contributed to slightly more acceptance towards women as political leaders within the National Assembly. The findings are discussed in the last section.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-49
Author(s):  
Teresa Paiva

Background: The theoretical background of this article is on the model developed of knowledge transfer between universities and the industry in order to access the best practices and adapt to the study case in question regarding the model of promoting and manage innovation within the universities that best contribute with solution and projects to the business field. Objective: The development of a knowledge transfer model is the main goal of this article, supported in the best practices known and, also, to reflect in the main measurement definitions to evaluate the High Education Institution performance in this area. Methods: The method for this article development is the case study method because it allows the fully understanding of the dynamics present within a single setting, and the subject examined to comprehend what is being done and what the dynamics mean. The case study does not have a data collection method, as it is a research that may rely on multiple sources of evidence and data which should be converged. Results: Since it’s a case study this article present a fully description of the model proposed and implemented for the knowledge transfer process of the institution. Conclusion: Still in a discussion phase, this article presents as conclusions some questions and difficulties that could be pointed out, as well as some good perspectives of performed activity developed.


Author(s):  
Mónica Pachón ◽  
Santiago E. Lacouture

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 107-119
Author(s):  
Pamela Espinosa de los Monteros

AbstractThe digitization and online dissemination of the Popol Vuh, a historical indigenous knowledge work, poses distinct ethical, legal, intellectual, and technological concerns for humanities researchers and information practitioners seeking to study and digitally curate works through a decolonized consciousness. Ongoing debates on data sovereignty, the repatriation of cultural artifacts, and cultural appropriation question the ability of researchers and information practitioners to effectively steward indigenous knowledge works in a digital environment. While consensus on best practices for the postcolonial digital library or archive remain to be established, information inequity continues to persist, effacing indigenous knowledge, languages, and content from the knowledge society. The following case study will discuss the results of a 10-year multi-institutional initiative to curate, repatriate, and steward the reproduction of an indigenous knowledge work online. From the vantage point of the library, the case study will explore the project’s successes, failures, and the work left to be done.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110258
Author(s):  
Nila Mohanan

From a feminist institutionalist perspective, this article engages in a comparative analysis of South Africa, one of the only post-transition democracies where women organized as a distinct interest group representing gender interests were able to negotiate and gain access to political power, and India, where women’s participation was predominantly as ‘nationalist women’. It argues that constitution drafting is a decisive critical juncture when descriptive representation can be translated very effectively into the substantive representation of women as equal citizens, provided women qua women and as gender-conscious agents are able to intervene to promote the cause of their effective political participation.


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