Conclusion

Author(s):  
Anne O'Connor

Ideas about the British Palaeolithic and its connections to geological time changed enormously between the days of the early eighteenth century, when Bagford wondered whether the implement found by Conyers at Gray’s Inn Lane had been left by an Ancient Briton near the bones of a Roman elephant, and the century covered in this book. In the hundred years that followed the acceptance of human antiquity—between c.1860 and c.1960— similar tools were scrutinized by many other interested eyes; they were labelled and classified, and their age and meaning were vigorously debated. In the present study, I have provided a picture of changing ideas about British Palaeolithic tools and their place in geological time, and have also tried to recover the excitement of the arguments that swept through this century of geological research and its little-known relations with archaeology. Views of the past were not built up by dispassionate authorities, coolly observing the range of available and expanding data; the gaze of each individual was restricted by different questions and expectations that encouraged them to describe, interpret, and defend different patterns in the ancient stone tools of Britain. It is now time, before closing this chapter on the history of British Palaeolithic research, to stand back and take a broader look at some of the reasons for these differing beliefs and for their varying success. But first, a recapitulation is offered of the major developments. In this summary, presented below, the Gray’s Inn Lane implement is followed through time to highlight the changes in perception of the Palaeolithic. During the latter part of the tale, this pear-shaped ‘hand-axe’ found by Conyers is accompanied by the Clactonian industry, which has supplied a more familiar anchor point for the shifting interpretations described in previous chapters. Human antiquity was widely accepted in learned circles after they heard the famous papers of 1859. But it was a few years more before the hand-axe from Gray’s Inn Lane became described as the contemporary of many extinct prehistoric animals and assigned to post-submergence, post-glacial times. The work of geologists was central to the task of placing such implements more precisely in Britain’s distant past. Chapters 1 and 2 described how geologists had been attracted in increasing numbers to the once-unpopular drifts and the bones and tools that they preserved.

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 58-66
Author(s):  
Giuliano Pancaldi

Here I survey a sample of the essays and reviews on the sciences of the long eighteenth century published in this journal since it was founded in 1969. The connecting thread is some historiographic reflections on the role that disciplines—in both the sciences we study and the fields we practice—have played in the development of the history of science over the past half century. I argue that, as far as disciplines are concerned, we now find ourselves a bit closer to a situation described in our studies of the long eighteenth century than we were fifty years ago. This should both favor our understanding of that period and, hopefully, make the historical studies that explore it more relevant to present-day developments and science policy. This essay is part of a special issue entitled “Looking Backward, Looking Forward: HSNS at 50,” edited by Erika Lorraine Milam.


Author(s):  
Huaping Lu-Adler

This chapter discusses certain exegetical challenges posed by Kant’s logic corpus, which comprises the Logic compiled by Jäsche, Kant’s notes on logic, transcripts of his logic lectures, and remarks about logic in his own publications. It argues for a “history of philosophical problems” method by which to reconstruct a Kantian theory of logic that is maximally coherent, philosophically interesting, and historically significant. To ensure a principled application of this method, the chapter considers Kant’s conception of history against the background of the controversy between eclecticism and systematic philosophy that shaped the German philosophical discourse during the early eighteenth century. It thereby looks for an angle to make educated decisions about how to select materials from each of the periods considered in the book and builds a historical narrative that can best inform our understanding of Kant’s theory of logic.


Author(s):  
Mark Migotti

In this chapter, the author attempts to establish what is philosophically living and what is philosophically dead in Schopenhauer’s pessimism. Against the background of the intriguing the history of the terms “optimism” and “pessimism”—in debates about Leibniz’s theodicy in the early eighteenth century and the popularity of Schopenhauer in the late nineteenth century, respectively—the author points up the distinction between affirming life, which all living beings do naturally, and subscribing to philosophical optimism (or pessimism), which is possible only for reflective beings like us. Next, the author notes the significance of Schopenhauer’s claim that optimism is a necessary condition of theism and explains its bearing on his pessimistic argument for the moral unacceptability of suicide. The chapter concludes that Schopenhauer’s case for pessimism is not conclusive, but instructive; his dim view of the prospects for leading a truly rewarding, worthwhile human life draws vivid attention to important questions about how and to what degree an atheistic world can nevertheless be conducive to human flourishing.


1978 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 289-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eamon Duffy

Through the stormy and divided history of religion in seventeenth and early eighteenth-century England runs one constant and unvarying stream—hatred and fear of popery. That ‘gross and cruel superstition’ haunted the protestant imagination. The murderous paranoia of the popish plot was the last occasion on which catholic blood was spilled in the service of the national obsession, but the need to preserve ‘our Country from Papal Tyranny; our Laws, our Estates, our Liberties from Papal Invasion; our Lives from Papal Persecution; and our Souls from Papal Superstition . . .’ continued to exercise men of every shade of churchmanship, and of none. Throughout the early eighteenth century zealous churchmen sought to keep alive ‘the Spirit of Aversion to Popery whereby the Protestant Religion hath been chiefly supported among us’, and publications poured from the press reminding men of the barbarities of the papists, ancient and modern, the fires of Smithfield and the headman’s axe of Thorn. Catholicism was bloody, tyrannical, enslaving, and cant phrases rolled pat from tongue and pen—popery and arbitrary government, popery and wooden shoes. The tradition was universal, as integral a part of the nation’s self-awareness as beer and roast-beef, and equally above reason. There were, observed Daniel Defoe, ‘ten thousand stout fellows that would spend the last drop of their blood against Popery that do not know whether it be a man or a horse’.


Author(s):  
Quintin Colville ◽  
James Davey

This introduction gives on overview of the sub-discipline of naval history since its emergence in the early eighteenth-century. It outlines the various social, cultural and political influences that have shaped the subject over the past three centuries, and discusses its relationship with the wider historical profession. The second half of the introduction sums up the current state of naval history, describing the many historiographies that now have a bearing on how the subject is conducted. Each contribution to the volume is introduced in this context, offering a precis of the chapters that follow.


1997 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Brian Harland

Useful records of observations perhaps began in 1596 with Barents' voyage and resulting chart. The many expeditions until the middle of the eighteenth century were primarily for whaling with minor additions to the charts. In 1758 A. R. Martin led a Swedish voyage and in 1773 C. J. Phipps commanded a British naval expedition, the first of several, to seek a northeast passage to the Pacific. They penetrated no further than Spitsbergen and made useful observations. At that time and for many years the British Admiralty was concerned with extensive Arctic exploration. The elaborate nature of these expeditions was not so much designed for scientific purposes as for useful employment for enterprising officers, with ships in numbers no longer needed in the period of naval supremacy after 1805. Hydrographic survey was often the principal achievement. In terms of efficiency and Arctic know-how the early whalers such as Scoresby were superior.1827 may be considered as the year when geological work began, with expeditions from Norway (B. M. Keilhau 1831) and Britain (Capt. Parry, e.g. Horner 1860; Salter 1860). Keilhau, a geologist, visited Edgeoya and Bjornoya. Admiral Parry, Hydrographer of the Navy, wintered on HMS Hecla in Sorgfjorden where further specimens were collected. In 1837 an early Swedish expedition was directed by Loven. Then, 1838 to 1840, the French voyage of La Recherche took place under the Commission Scientifique du Nord (e.g. Robert 1840).Only a selection of the many expeditions in the second half of the century are noted here.


2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Taylor

Theatre historians have long acknowledged John Weaver as the father of English pantomime. In 1985, however, the foremost Weaver scholar, Richard Ralph, noted that no one had systematically studied Weaver's pantomime descriptions, printed in The Loves of Mars and Venus, nor had classical influences upon Weaver been sufficiently investigated.1 Scholarship in the past fifteen years has not filled these gaps; thus, this article begins an examination of these two areas of Weaver's work. They are especially significant because the pantomime descriptions and classical influences reveal that Weaver was a scholar-artist, a rare combination in his era, whose theories and practices deepened the interplay among the arts in early eighteenth-century England.2


2015 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 245-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary Sweet

This article offers an analysis of the preparation, publication and reception of the two separate versions of William Gell's Pompeiana, texts that exercised a formative influence over Victorian understanding of not just Roman Pompeii, but of domestic Roman life more broadly throughout the nineteenth century, and that highlight a transition from eighteenth-century antiquarianism to a more ‘archaeological’ approach to the past in the nineteenth century. Using unpublished correspondence that has been overlooked by other scholarship on Gell, it argues that the form and content of the volumes responded to both contemporary fascination with the history of domestic life and the need for an affordable volume on Pompeii. But the volumes also reflected many of Gell's more personal interests, developed in a career of travelling in Greece, Asia Minor and Spain, and were a product of his circumstances: they were conceived in order that Gell (and his coadjutor John Peter Gandy in the first edition) might earn much-needed additional income, and were a means through which Gell could consolidate his social position in Naples by establishing his authoritative expertise on Pompeii.


1982 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. H. Hinsley

In the history of relations between the worlcfs leading states since the end of the eighteenth century certain features stand out prominently. One is that infrequent wars have alternated with long periods of peace. From the 1760s to the 1790s these states were at peace; from the 1790s to 1815 they were at war; from 1815 to 1854, peace; 1871 to 1914, peace; 1914 to 1918, war; 1918 to 1939, peace; 1939 to 1945, war; and since 1945 another 36 years of peace already. Another feature, no less pronounced, is that each of these infrequent wars has been more demanding and devastating for all participants, more nearly total, than that which preceded it. In these respects, as also in a third on which I shall enlarge later on, international conduct in the past 200 years has differed from international conduct in all earlier times, when states were more or less continuously engaged in wars that remained limited in scale – and so much so that the rise of the modern system may safely be traced back to the end of the eighteenth century.


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