Of Baby Bottles and Bisphenol A: Debates about the Safety of an Endocrine Disruptor

Author(s):  
Sarah A. Vogel

In a 2009 episode of The Simpsons, Marge Simpson baked what she considered the ultimate healthy, socially conscious, safe snack food: “home­made, organic, nongluten, fairtrade zucchini cupcakes.” Proudly presenting the cupcakes to her daughter’s playgroup, Marge was asked what kind of butter she’d used. “None!” she exclaimed; she had baked the cupcakes in a nonstick pan. But Marge’s beaming pride quickly dissolved into embarrassment when she learned of her apparent eco-stupidity. Marge didn’t know that nonstick pans were made with PFOA (perflurooctanoic acid). “There is only one thing more dangerous than PFOAs, Marge,” one mother declared. “Plastics made with BPAs. Never, ever let your child near any product with the number 7.” At that moment, a child tips a cup up to his mouth revealing the number 7 on the bottom of the cup. The mothers scream in unison and run hysterically out of the house. Bisphenol A (or BPA) had become a three-letter household word. The chemical, used for over a half-century in plastics, was now at the center of a contentious scientific and political debate as well as fodder for prime-time cultural satire. Was BPA safe? On the one hand, a growing number of researchers, championed by environmental and health advocates, point to a growing body of research suggestive of serious health risks of BPA. This includes animal research on low-level effects of BPA exposure on prostate and mammary gland development and neurobehavioral function and development; a small but growing body of epidemiological research on BPA exposures and cardio­vascular disease, diabetes, and social behavioral problems; and evidence of widespread, low-level human exposure including in pregnant women (vom Saal et al. 2007; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2008). On the other hand, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and its counterpart in Europe, the European Food Safety Authority, maintain that the levels in food are low enough to be considered safe for all humans.

1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hix ◽  
Christopher Lord

THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT AND THE MAASTRICHT TREATY attempted to balance two principles of representation in their redesign of the institutional structures of the European Union: the one, based on the indirect representation of publics through nationally elected governments in the European Council and Council of Ministers; the other, based on the direct representation of publics through a more powerful European Parliament. There is much to be said for this balance, for neither of the two principles can, on its own, be an adequate solution at this stage in the development of the EU. The Council suffers from a non-transparent style of decision-making and is, in the view of many, closer to oligarchic than to democratic politics. On the other hand, the claims of the European Parliament to represent public sentiments on European integration are limited by low voter participation, the second-order nature of European elections and the still Protean nature of what we might call a transnational European demos. The EU lacks a single public arena of political debate, communications and shared meanings; of partisan aggregation and political entrepreneurship; and of high and even acceptance, across issues and member states, that it is European and not national majority views which should count in collective rule-making.


Author(s):  
Manal Ali ◽  
Madi Jaghbir ◽  
Mahmoud Salam ◽  
Ghada Al-Kadamany ◽  
Rana Damsees ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2016 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 89-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tye E. Arbuckle ◽  
Karelyn Davis ◽  
Khrista Boylan ◽  
Mandy Fisher ◽  
Jingshan Fu

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 168-185
Author(s):  
Sethulego Z. Matebesi

A growing body of literature on urban and grassroots social movements is replete with case studies of citizens mobilizing against infrastructural development projects. These mobilizations, known as insurgent citizenship—the participation in alternative channels of political expression—take different forms and have various impacts. An investigation into the case of the mobilizing agenda of the Greater Bloemfontein Taxi Association (GBTA) against using a costly intermodal transport facility in Bloemfontein is aimed at highlighting the often neglected dilemma of how powerless citizens—for example, taxi owners—respond to state hegemony. Theoretically, the article is grounded in the conceptual framework of insurgent citizenship and, empirically, draws on narratives of a range of participants. The findings provide an understanding of the importance of organizational structure and leadership in the sustained insurgent action by the GBTA. It is argued that the insurgent action by the GBTA is produced mainly by—on the one hand—the conflictual relationship between government policies and practices and—on the other hand—grassroots resistance to their exclusionary and marginalizing effects. Furthermore, the findings elucidate that insurgent practice may be driven by neoliberal principles of competition, profit, and entrepreneurship.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roseilla Nora Izaach

This study aimed to describe the level of grit in the Nursing Academy student X in the Aru Islands. Grit is the one of the latest theory in the study of Positive Psychology which emphasizes of two important aspects are perseverance of efforts and consistency of interest, that determines the success of individuals in achieving their life goals. The goal of achieving future success through education is the reason this research is conducted. Respondents in this study were students in 2014. The number of respondents are 51 people with entirely female. Measuring instrument used in this study was grit scale consists of 12 items with reliability of 0.85 and a validity coefficient range  from 0.44 to 0.82 ( Duckworth, et.al.,2007) . Based on the results of the processing of descriptive data, it was found that the majority of respondents have a low level of grit with percentage of 86.3%. Variable aspect of grit perseverance of efforts, the majority of respondents have a low level of 90.2%, and the consistency aspect of interest, the majority of respondents have a high level of 66.7%. The socioeconomic status of the students is based on the type of work of the parents, not indicating the tendency to be related to the degree of grit. Further research that can be done is to investigate more deeply about the contribution of personality factors, differences in cultural background and demographics that affect grit. Keywords: Grit, socioeconomic status, demographics


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
José A. Noguera

Two factors have boosted the debate on Basic Income (BI) in Spain in recent years: on the one hand, the combination of welfare budget cuts and growing poverty rates has spread claims for a radical reform of Spanish welfare policies; on the other hand, the emergence of Podemos as a new key actor in the Spanish political arena has generated a vivid discussion on BI and income guarantee proposals. By reviewing the political debates on these proposals, I will argue that economic feasibility concerns and implementation problems are closely related to their political feasibility. Significantly, the radical rejection of ‘means-testing’ by BI defenders fails to grasp the different types and degrees of conditions that an income guarantee system may establish. The main lesson from the Spanish experience is that BI supporters should be ready to compromise and accept generous means-tested guaranteed income programs as stepping-stones.


2021 ◽  
pp. 62-72
Author(s):  
Penny Harvey

This chapter explores how the analyses of audible infrastructures presented in this volume connect to the established and growing body of literature on civic infrastructures from scholars in the humanities and social sciences. There are clearly convergent interests between those who work on roads, water, and energy systems, on the one hand, and those who study the production, circulation, and reproduction of sound, on the other. To analyze the materialities of music making, as with civic infrastructures, is to investigate the relational capacities of the materials from which things are made, the diverse types of labor through which these materials become integral to their emergent forms, and the uneven distribution of access to the wider structures that underpin the circulation and reproduction of such forms. In particular, the chapter focuses on how the relationship between the hardware of engineered systems and the software of sociality creates new possibilities for thinking about the politics of infrastructure. The chapter explores these resonances between audible and civic infrastructures by considering the M1 Symphony, a work commissioned by the British Broadcasting Corporation to mark the sixtieth anniversary of the opening of Britain’s first long-distance motorway. The example provokes reflection on the relationship between media and infrastructure, between composition and improvisation, and between ontological experiment and artful design.


2021 ◽  
pp. 158-184
Author(s):  
Elliott Young

Machado was just five years old in 1990 when she was brought to the United States by her mother, who was desperate to escape the civil war raging in their home country of El Salvador; she wanted a better life for her two young daughters. In 2015, she was picked up in a traffic stop in Arkansas which triggered her deportation based on a felony conviction from a decade earlier. Machado’s story reveals a radical shift that had been happening since the mid-1990s. Unprecedented numbers of immigrants were being caught in a system that penalized people with mandatory deportations for relatively low-level crimes. Machado does not fit easily into the Manichean distinction made by President Obama in 2014 between “felons” on the one hand and “families” on the other. Machado, like so many others, is both.


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