A Prescription for Beijing

In the chapter, Haq spells out the main challenges for the Beijing Conference of 1995. Despite much progress in women’s capabilities in the seventies and eighties, their participation in economic and political opportunities remained very limited. Such a wide gap between capabilities and opportunities leads to a considerable waste of women’s potential and, naturally, to a rising level of frustration. For Haq, the main challenge for the Beijing Conference is to improve women’s economic and political participation. He lays out concrete proposals to achieve this to include commitment to eliminate the remaining gender gaps in education and health, setting up financial institutions for the provision of credit, and pledging of the nation states to extend equal legal rights to women. He also suggested the setting up of a UN Agency for the Advancement of Women.

Author(s):  
Diana Fu ◽  
Greg Distelhorst

How does China manage political participation? This chapter analyzes changing opportunities for participation in the leadership transition from Hu Jintao to Xi Jinping. Contentious political participation—where individuals and independent organizations engage in protest and other disruptive behavior—has been further curtailed under Xi’s leadership. Yet institutional participation by ordinary citizens through quasi-democratic institutions appears unaffected and is even trending up in certain sectors. Manipulation of the political opportunity structure is likely strategic behavior on the part of authoritarian rulers, as they seek to incorporate or appease the discontented. The political opportunity structure in non-democracies is therefore multifaceted: one channel of participation can close as others expand.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093551
Author(s):  
Shan-Jan Sarah Liu

Recent scholarship shows that the gender gap in political activity has diminished, particularly in Western societies. Still unknown is how gender matters for political participation in Asia. Using the 2010 Asian Barometer Survey, this article analyzes the gender gap in multiple forms of political participation in 13 countries. It also investigates how individual-level characteristics mediate the differences in men’s and women’s political participation. The article shows that Asian men and women overwhelmingly vote at an equal rate in elections, but gender gaps persist in other types of political action. This study shows that gender remains the strongest predictor of political participation and suggests that Asian women remain marginalized in the political arena. The results have important implications for how to progress gender equality in the region.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrine Beauregard

This paper proposes to investigate the influence of legislative quotas on gender differences in political participation by analyzing the within- and across-country effects of quotas. Gender quotas can signal to women that their presence in politics is welcome, leading to a subsequent increase in their involvement in political activities. This change in political behavior should not be reproduced in men; thus, when gender quotas are present, the gap between men’s and women’s participation narrows. Using the European Values Survey and data from eighteen European democracies, this paper demonstrates that this indeed occurs for some political activities when gender gaps are compared before and after the introduction of quotas within countries. This result, however, is not replicated for across-country analyses. European countries without legislative gender quotas tend to have smaller gender gaps than countries with them. This result is explained by referring to the context of the adoption of gender quotas.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toni Shoola

Sub-Saharan Africa is home to a substantial gender divide that encompasses numerous aspects of life. Though this divide is a historic reality for Sub-Saharan Africa, the recent and current process of globalization has also had both negative and positive impacts on the gender divide. This paper provides a look at the gender divide in Sub-Saharan Africa from a theoretical and historical framework that goes on to explore various facets of life including economics, education, land tenure, legal rights, political participation, and health rights. In addition, one countermovement to the pervasive gender divide, African feminisms, is analyzed.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurnal ARISTO

Women who run in local elections (constituencies) are still considered minimal. This condition is very apprehensive because the constitution has mandated the quota of 30 percent of women who must be filled political parties. But the quota has not been met due to the lack of political participation of women in the struggle for power in politics. Participation is low due to gender discrimination that shaped the social and psychological environment of women itself, thus narrowing women's political opportunities. Therefore, political parties are expected to seriously encourage the participation and political education of women.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-496
Author(s):  
Zeenath Kausar

Conflict has been an inescapable phenomenon of Western society,particularly since the sixteenth century. If the era of the medieval West ischaracterized by the conflict between Pope and Emperor, which eventuallygave rise to modem nation-states, the postmodem era may rightly bedescribed as one of conflict between family and state.The postmodem conflict can be traced back to the oikos/polis conflictgenerated by Western political thought, which originated from Greekmisogyny. In the same way the church was overthrown in the conflict inthe medieval era, the family is being overthrown in the postmodern era bythe neo-Marxist radical school of postmodern feminism, which is alsocalled gender feminism.Quite contrary to gender feminists, contemporary Islamic revivalistsfind no conflict between the two institutions of family and state. They givedue recognition to both institutions and consider them as complementary toone another. This is quite observable in their views and activities in the areaof women’s issues, particularly that of women’s political participation.The aim of this paper is to examine the debate on women’s politicalparticipation between gender feminists and contemporary Islamic revivalists.The paper shall demonstrate how gender feminists prefer women’spolitical participation at the cost of deconstructing gender and family. Thecontemporary Islamic revivalists, however, support and encouragewomen’s political participation-but not at the expense of family and thedistinct identity of woman.The paper is divided into three parts. In the first and second parts, thearguments of gender feminists and contemporary Islamic revivalists onwomen’s political participation shall be analyzed. The third part shall identifyand discuss the differences between them. It is followed by a briefconclusion ...


1979 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 201-209
Author(s):  
Lars D. Eriksson

Abstract1. Finland hosts today fewer refugees and other aliens than other Nordic countries, and the majority of the refugees are Chileans. This marked difference from the other Nordic countries is due to various factors: the geographical position on the fringe of Europe and on the border of the Soviet Union, economic problems and language difficulties. Finish law does not provide for a legal right of asylum, only for a legal possibility of asylum. Any claim for asylum is decided by administrative bodies with no recourse to pudicial remidies. 2. To a large extent aliens share the same rights as Finish citizens, but there are differences: a) The right to entry, sojourn and work are decided by administrative bodies, who apply a very restrictive policy. b) Aliens lack certain rights to political participation (Scandinavian aliens do however have such rights in this field), right to join the civil service, and there are serious limits to their right to process real estate and to carry on trade. c) The fact that there is no central administration of aliens affairs adds to this poor position of aliens. 3. Basically there is no differentation between refugees and other aliens. They share the same lack of procedual safeguards: Residence permit is given for 6 months or a year at a time, there is no right of appeal, decisions are not motivated. Refugees are given ordinary aliens passports and not a Convention Travel Document nor any documentation that they do in fact enjoy political asylum. There is no legal protection against refoulement. There is considerable doubt as to whether the agreement between Finland and the Soviet Union on co-operation against hijacking of airplanes of 1975, and the frontier agreement with the Soviet Union of 1960, leave an effective possibility of giving political asylum to people who fall under the two agreements. To sum up: There is in Finish law a differentiation between Scandinavians and other aliens, a potential but not necessarily a factual difference between ordinary aliens, and political refugees and finally a difference between political refugees from the Soviet Union and other political refugees. 4. Some proposals for improvement of the legal position of aliens: i) Aliens affairs should be separated from the police and should be handled by a central body with responsibility for social and economic as well as legal affairs. ii) After a while aliens should receive permanent residence and work permits. iii) Procedual guarantees should be reinforced in particular: contradiction, right of appeal, judicial remedies, legal council. iv) Administrative detention should be abolished. v) Full political participation at municipal and procincial level should be provided for. Particularly in relation to political refugees: i) Their affairs should be handled by a central body with responsibility for social affairs such as housing, teaching of language, work, information of legal rights and duties etc. ii) Refugee quotas according to the Swedish, Norwegian and Danish models should be adopted. iii) Refugees should be informed of the status when granted political asylum and issued convention travel documents. iv) Provisions on non-refoulement in accordance with international law should be established. v) Political asylum should be established as a legal right with procedual guarantees. Finally it is suggested to appoint a nordic ombudsman for refugees in co-operation with UNHCR.


2021 ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Cristina Rosillo-López

The first chapter focuses on outlining the study of politics in Rome beyond institutions. It reviews who participated in politics, going beyond the classic model of the adult male citizen with full political and legal rights, and including many other groups that were active in politics through their participation in the network of meetings and conversations, especially women and freedmen. The chapter argues that political participation also happened outside institutions, so the number of people who took part in politics becomes much larger. Both extra-institutional and institutional politics, both of which were used by the elite and the people in their own ways, constituted the body of Roman politics.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nga Than

In What is Political Sociology?, Elisabeth S. Clemens offers a smart primer on political sociology that asks what is distinct about this sub-field. By surveying its main concepts and research agendas—power and politics, states, nation-states, social movements, social change, and transnationalism—she shows how political sociology examines social processes that influence both formal politics and the politics that take place in everyday settings. Clemens notes that that political sociology differs from political science in that the former studies politics in various settings and that patterns of political participation and the distribution of political power are shaped by social relations, while the latter studies “the formal institutions and acts of governing” (p.1).


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