The Arthur Crawford Scandal

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits
Keyword(s):  
Retirement Age ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Government Service ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
High Court ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Receive

The Arthur Crawford Scandal explores how nineteenth century Bombay tried a British official for corruption. The presidency government persuaded Indians, government officials, to testify against the very person who controlled their career by offering immunity from legal action and career punishment. A criminal conviction of Crawford’s henchman established the modus operandi of a bribery network. Subsequent efforts to intimidate Indian witnesses led to litigation at the high court level, resulting in a political pressure campaign in London based on biased press reports from India. These reports evoked questions in the House of Commons; questions became demands that Indians witnesses against Crawford be fired from government service. The secretary of state for India and the Bombay government negotiated about the fate of the Indian witnesses. At first, the secretary of state accepted the Bombay government’s proposals. But the press campaign against the Indian witnesses eventually led him to order the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of Bombay, to pass a law ordering those officials who paid Crawford willingly, to be fired. Those whom the Bombay government determined to be extorted were not to be fired. Both groups retained immunity from further actions at law. Thus, Bombay won a victory that almost saved its original guarantee of immunity: those who were fired were to receive their salary (along with periodic step increases) until they reached retirement age, at which time they would receive a pension. However, this ‘solution’ did little to overcome the stigma and suffering of the fired officials.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

The Ebb and Flow of the Liberalization of the Jordanian Press: 1985–1997

1998 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orayb Aref Najjar
Keyword(s):  
Court Decision ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
High Court ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Media Globalization ◽  
Ebb And Flow

This study examines press liberalization in Jordan. It argues that Jordan's evolving relations with Palestinians, its peace agreement with Israel, and media globalization have changed the context within which the Jordanian media operate and have given the government some flexibility to liberalize the press starting in 1989. However, some of the same issues that have led to press restrictions in the past have precipitated the introduction of “The Temporary Law for the Year 1997” while the parliament was not in session. The study concludes that the presence of a a loose coalition of forces working for press freedom coupled with the January 1998 High Court decision declaring the temporary law unconstitutional suggest it is premature to read a eulogy for Jordanian press freedom.

The Mamlatdar Issue Exported

2020 ◽  
pp. 92-122
Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits
Keyword(s):  
House Of Commons ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Thing In Itself ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Times ◽  
Considerable Pressure

Chapter 5 traces the process by which purportedly criminal issues became political issues. The chapter therefore deals with the mechanics of mounting a successful political pressure campaign. The chapter examines the export through the slanted reporting to London by The Times of London correspondent in India. His negative opinions about the mamlatdar witnesses fed on the Bombay High Court’s efforts to get the mamlatdars fired. The ‘mamlatdar issue’ eventually came before the House of Commons and that in turn placed considerable pressure on the secretary of state for India to ‘do something’ about the mamlatdars who had confessed under oath that they had paid bribes. In fact, the ‘mamlatdar issue’ had become a thing in itself, a problem that vexed the government at all levels.

THE BRITISH UNION OF FASCISTS AND THE OLYMPIA DEBATE

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 529-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN PUGH
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
National Government ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

The object of this article is to reassess received views about the significance of the 1934 rally at Olympia for the fortunes of the British Union of Fascists. It begins by analysing the debate in the House of Commons which is traditionally seen as reflecting a reaction against BUF methods, and shows the extent to which it actually revealed sympathy amongst National Government members. Then follows a discussion of reactions in the press. The article suggests that far from being purely negative, the effect of Olympia in some parts of the press was to attract more attention, and not necessarily of a hostile nature. Finally it examines the reasons for hesitation on the part of the government in using the law and the police to curtail BUF methods in the aftermath of Olympia. It shows how far Mosley continued to conduct large indoor meetings, partly because he was able to make use of the existing law. The article concludes that the British defence of free speech after 1934 was less firm than is usually supposed and that resistance to fascism by the authorities was of marginal significance.

scholarly journals Moving to a More "Certain" Test for Tax Residence in Australia: Lessons for Canada?

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-168
Author(s):  
Michael Dirkis
Keyword(s):  
Income Tax ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Federal Court ◽  
The Political ◽  
Final Report ◽  
Australian Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
High Court ◽  
Compliance Programs ◽  
The Government

Canada and Australia have superficially similar tests for determining the tax residence of individuals. Both have a common-law residence (or resides) test, "continuing attachment" rules (a statutory test in Australia), a 183-day type of test, and provisions focused on government officials. A key difference between the countries in this regard, despite broadly similar residence tests, is that litigation in Canada is rare whereas Australia, over the last decade, has seen at least 43 administrative tribunal, Federal Court, and High Court decisions with respect to tax residence. In response to the high levels of litigation resulting from concentrated Australian Taxation Office compliance programs, the Board of Taxation commenced a self-initiated review of the income tax residence rules for individuals in May 2016. The report subsequently submitted to government noted that the current rules were no longer appropriate and needed to be updated and simplified. Although the Australian government has not endorsed the board's recommendations, the board was directed to undertake further consultation in order to ensure that the proposed residence rules are appropriately designed and targeted, with a particular focus on integrity (that is, anti-avoidance) issues. A final report, sent to the government in April/May 2019, proposed a number of bright-line tests. These proposed tests are based in part on the approach adopted in the NZ and 2013 UK residence rules. In this paper, the author considers the similarities and shortcomings of the Canadian and Australian rules on individual tax residence according to the criteria of equity, simplicity, and efficiency (integrity), and then reviews the Board of Taxation's recommendations with an eye to whether the proposed Australian changes could provide guidance for any future Canadian reform, should the political circumstances so dictate in the future.

State–Press Relationship in Post-1997 Hong Kong: Constant Negotiation amidst Self-Restraint

2007 ◽  
Vol 192 ◽  
pp. 949-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma Ngok
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Professional Ethics ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Moral Force ◽  
The Press ◽  
Negative News ◽  
Multiple Pressures ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

AbstractTen years after the handover, Hong Kong's media faced multiple pressures. There were few cases of outright prosecution of the media, but there were subtle political and economic pressures. Co-optation of media bosses, fear of losing advertising revenue and media takeovers by pro-Beijing figures brought some of the media into line. This brought editorial shift and self-censorship, as the media systematically shied away from stories that might antagonize Beijing, underplayed negative news for the government and gave the democrats less favourable coverage. Interviews with journalists showed little evidence of ostensible intervention from government officials or media bosses, but newsroom socialization and editorial gatekeeping are effective constraints. The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press and the moral force of professional ethics lent the media the room to defend and negotiate their freedom, but the pervasive fear induced by the political environment invariably overpowered the resistance and constrained press freedom in Hong Kong.

Closing the Courtroom: Press Restrictions and Criminal Trials in Late Nineteenth Century Germany

2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-233
Author(s):  
Barnet Hartston
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
German Society ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Criminal Trials ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government

In 1885 and 1886, two trials helped to precipitate a vigorous debate about when criminal proceedings should be closed to the public and when press reports on such cases should be restricted or banned altogether. First, the trial of the artist Gustav Graef for perjury and inappropriate relations with underage models featured sensationalized press reports that provoked a firestorm of public criticism. Soon afterward, press coverage of the trial of a Danish spy, Christian von Sarauw, revealed compromising details about German military planning and outraged government officials. The result was the proposal of a new law to limit public and press access to trials which posed a potential danger either to public decency or national security. Despite vigorous government efforts, this new legislation repeatedly stalled in the German Reichstag, in part because of concerns about protecting legal transparency and freedom of the press. The debates surrounding this law demonstrate the extent (and limits) to which liberal ideals such as legal transparency and freedom of the press had become embedded in Imperial German society and also the substantial power of the German Reichstag to obstruct the will of the government–even in making new laws deemed vital for national security.

scholarly journals The Media’s Influence on the Government: A Case Study of Venezuela’s Media Agenda Setting with a Non-Free Press and Its Repercussions

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-287
Author(s):  
Susan M. Fredricks ◽  
Joshua D. Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Media Culture ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Free Press ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Citizens Attitudes ◽  
International Social

A free and open press (unincumbered by political pressures) is necessary to hold government officials accountable. When governments become entangled in the business of licensing and regulating news outlets, news outlets succumb to the pressures of only publishing stories favorable to the current regime. The temptation to publish negative stories could result in losing one’s publishing license. This scenario has been playing out in Venezuela for the past two decades and has led to a media culture of misinformation, confusion, and propaganda. This paper first analyzes the Venezuelan view on the influential forces on its government through the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). Second, it explores how the Venezuelan government vanquished the free press by affecting the Venezuelan citizens’ attitudes towards the press. Finally, it reviews how the internet and social media are creating new avenues for publishing uncensored and unregulated information in an effort to challenge current government restrictions.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

Kenya media faces growing limits

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Diverse Range ◽  
Content Type ◽  
High Court ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Subject Media freedom trends. Significance Kenya's media is generally a lively arena in which a diverse range of viewpoints can be heard. However, opposition and civil rights groups have become increasingly concerned at perceived efforts by the government to muzzle the press. On February 23, the High Court ruled that parts of the Security Laws (Amendment) Act 2014 are unconstitutional, including clauses that specifically targeted the media. While the court's decision was a victory for the new constitution and the protections that it affords for civil liberties, the case itself signals wider trends in freedom of speech. Impacts The High Court ruling indicates the role of the judiciary in defending the constitution, despite criticisms over partiality. However, accusations that government counter-terrorism tactics operate outside of the law will persist. The counter-terrorism approach will continue to exacerbate rather than solve security problems.

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