The Colonies, 1607–1763

Author(s):  
Gillis J. Harp

The Puritans conserved older medieval views in their holy commonwealth conception of church–state relations and in their prioritizing of the common good. Governor John Winthrop articulated a thoroughly conservative defense of social hierarchy and of the state as a divinely ordained moral agent. Meanwhile, many of the towns they first founded in the seventeenth century were extraordinarily stable and homogenous communities. Economic development and the religious upheaval of the Great Awakening threatened some of this social conservatism. Consequently, some criticisms of the revival represented the first examples of a coherent colonial conservatism. These critics fretted about local clerical authority and the threat posed to social cohesion by individualism, or what some termed the danger of the “private Christian.” Despite some differences, colonial Southerners shared much of the stress on hierarchy and deference that characterized their New England cousins.

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Yoer Javier Castaño Pareja

The supply of towns and cities was one of the essential functions of municipal councils. It was conceived that its efficient administration ensured the common good and the public tranquility. This article studies the official and surreptitious provision of meat and other indispensable livestock products in the daily life of the inhabitants of Santafé specially during the little explored seventeenth century. Based on various sources, in this research is calculated the magnitude of the demand in this capital of cattle that came from different geographic spaces. Through the analysis of the prices of these commodities are determined the periods of meat shortage experienced in this capital during this century and are explained the factors that caused these crises.


This edition of all of Catharine Macaulay’s known correspondence includes an introduction to the life, works, and influence of this celebrated, eighteenth-century, republican historian. Through her letters and those of her correspondents it offers a unique glimpse of the connections between radical republicanism and dissent in London, and throws light on the origins of parliamentary reform in Great Britain. Macaulay’s correspondents include many individuals who were active in the lead-up to the American and French Revolutions, others who became involved in the antislavery movement, and yet others who were central to the development of feminism. These letters demonstrate how Macaulay’s history of the seventeenth-century republican period in Great Britain, which she published between 1763 and 1783, encouraged her readers to represent themselves as the heirs of those earlier struggles and to lavish praise on the author as an important defender of their liberties and of the universal rights of mankind. It shows Macaulay and her friends to have been inspired by positive notions of liberty and by ideals of democratic republicanism, thought of as systems of equal government committed to universal benevolence, in which the common good would become the common care.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-156
Author(s):  
Xinzhong Yao

Abstract Through a detailed analysis of de德 as used in the Four Books (Sishu 四書), this article is intended to examine the unity between two kinds of virtue manifested respectively through cultivating an admirable character in one’s self (moral agent) and enabling aretaic activities in the public sphere (political agent). By investigating how early Confucian masters integrate internal goodness and virtuous governance as the moral reasons for the common good and the flourishing of human community, we seek to reconstruct the ethics in the Four Books that is focused on de as the gravity center. This leads in turn to an account of a particular kind of “virtue ethics” or better, de ethics, which has underpinned all Confucian discourses on personal character and political practices.


Author(s):  
Jens Zimmermann

Chapter 8, sketching out Bonhoeffer’s political vision to argue its validity for modern, secular states, falls into two main parts. The first section offers a detailed analysis of Bonhoeffer’s recovery of the natural for Protestant theology in the contexts of Protestant and Catholic thought of his time. It becomes clear that prompted by Nazi atrocities, Bonhoeffer recovers Reformational natural law theory in a particular Christ-centered way that is similar to the nature-grace relation proposed by Henri de Lubac, and to the concept of natural law propounded by Jacques Maritain. The second part of the chapter describes Bonhoeffer’s political theology as reflected in his view of church-state relations. The chapter shows that Bonhoeffer appropriates the greater Christian tradition from Augustine to Luther’s two-kingdom theory for his own day. He envisions a secular society and forum of public reasoning on the basis of the natural, a society in which the church bears witness to Christ’s true humanity and labors for the common good of a humane society.


Author(s):  
Eric C. Smith

Oliver Hart experienced evangelical conversion at the peak of a dynamic series of revivals known as the Great Awakening. His childhood pastor, Jenkin Jones, publicly supported the evangelist George Whitefield and did all that he could to promote revivalism in Hart’s Particular Baptist congregation. Along with Hart’s personal story, this chapter recounts the Baptist reception of the Great Awakening throughout colonial America, including in New England and in the South. It corrects the common misperception that most Particular Baptists stood aloof from the Great Awakening, and introduces the emergence of the Separate Baptist movement.


Author(s):  
Gretchen Murphy

Departing from Alexis de Tocqueville’s discussion of American religion as a political institution that strengthens the moral tie as political ties are relaxed, the conclusion briefly restates the major arguments of the book: (1) that the authors discussed treated the issue of religion in a republic by using ideas and tropes drawn from New England anti-Jacobin sentiment during and after the French Revolution; (2) that this led them simultaneously to oppose and to reinforce secularity as it appeared in various forms: Enlightenment reason, pluralistic belief, and the technocratic utility of state church establishment; and (3) that their writings thus engage with enduring questions regarding whether and how morality and virtue should be fostered in a diverse republic for the common good, avoiding pitfalls of narrow-minded bigotry or neoliberal elevation of private individual interest. The conclusion also considers how these arguments and the book as a whole responds to two trends in literary scholarship: the study of women writers rooted in feminist recovery and the turn away from historicist critique seen in recent work by Rita Felski and others.


Author(s):  
R.V. Cottrell

Established in 1987 and now with a membership of 150 Maori Authorities throughout the country, the Federation of Maori Authorities (FoMA) is easily New Zealand's largest Maori business network. An 11- member Executive is elected tri-annually on the basis of rohe representation. All of FoMA acti vity falls under the following broad purposes: • To provide the necessary infrastructure of representation through which a coordinated approach to Maori economic independence can be achieved compatible with the development of New Zealand as a nation • To foster and promote the development, sound management and economic advancement of Maori Authorities • To work in political and commercial harmony with all sector groups in NZ society to ensure the interests of Maoridom receive the appropriate recognition to enable economic, social and cultural programmes to be initiated and implemented consistent with the objective of Maori selfdetermination The recognition of our rights implicit in the Treaty of Waitangi provides the mana to approach Maori economic development with confidence, and the resolve to unite our efforts for the common good of all Maori.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
TIMON CLINE

This article surveys the now largely foreign practice of election sermons delivered in colonial New England. The ultimate aim of the study is to provide a way forward for contemporary pastors: first, to challenge the modern bifurcation of the religious and the so-called secular in the public square; second, to chart a middle course between the extremes of blind partisanship and anemic passivity in commenting on public concerns. The content of election sermons also challenges prevailing evangelical notions of good government by presenting a more integrated sociopolitical life, emphasizing older priorities of the common good, justice, and prudence. KEYWORDS: Puritanism, New England, election sermons, preaching, public theology, church Iand state, politics, common good


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