124. One aspect of speculation

Cousin Bette ◽  
2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Honoré De Balzac
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Living Together ◽  
The Many

Among the many admirable organizations founded by Catholic charity in Paris, there is one, founded by Madame de la Chanterie, whose aim is to arrange civil and religious marriages for working-class couples who are living together. Our legislators, anxious to have the registration fees, and...

Step It Up and Go

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Menconi
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Popular Music ◽  
Hip Hop ◽  
The State ◽  
College Town ◽  
American Idol ◽  
Recorded Music ◽  
American Popular Music ◽  
The Many ◽  
Nina Simone

This book is a love letter to the artists, scenes, and sounds defining North Carolina’s extraordinary contributions to American popular music. David Menconi spent three decades immersed in the state’s music, where traditions run deep but the energy expands in countless directions. Menconi shows how working-class roots and rebellion tie North Carolina’s Piedmont blues, jazz, and bluegrass to beach music, rock, hip-hop, and more. From mill towns and mountain coves to college-town clubs and the stage of American Idol, Blind Boy Fuller and Doc Watson to Nina Simone and Superchunk, Step It Up and Go celebrates homegrown music just as essential to the state as barbecue and basketball. Spanning a century of history from the dawn of recorded music to the present, and with sidebars and photos that help reveal the many-splendored glory of North Carolina’s sonic landscape, this is a must-read for every music lover.

scholarly journals Presidential Address: Contested Space: The Politics of Canadian Memory

2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronica Strong-Boag
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Address ◽  
White Male ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Canadian Society ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
Women And Gender ◽  
Contested Space ◽  
Living Together ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Many

Abstract Neo-conservative laments about the state of Canadian history abound. Yet the old history with its preoccupation with white male elites and its common failure to interrogate power relations and address the reality of oppression within Canadian society has rarely been equipped either to characterize the reality of the past or to address the many pressing questions of the day. The treatment of the experience of women and gender, the whole question of "race", and the place of class in Canadian society in our founding journals provides bountiful evidence of a restricted vision. It is at the very least presumptuous, and inevitably short-sighted, to believe that our profession can offer advice on Canada's on-going "national question" without first of all addressing the meaning of the oppressive relations which have produced, for example, with much else that we have ignored, our ugly inheritance of child abuse, and violence in general. When historians expand their vision, through an acknowledgement of privilege and the creation of a pluralistic community of scholars, we will be a good deal closer to coming to terms with Canadian life. This is the first step towards constructing ways of living together, whatever their exact constitutional form, that no longer require some voices to be disadvantaged while others are allowed to monopolize decision-making about what constitutes truth, citizenship and identity.

Old Wine in New Bottles

Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 12-14
Author(s):  
Lawrence Nevins
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Third World ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
The Social ◽  
Freedom Fighters ◽  
The Many ◽  
Contemporary Climate ◽  
Social Intercourse

Among the many curious questions raised by the Portuguese revolution is: Why did so many career officers, proudly wearing the decorations of a colonialist fascist state, emerge as such passionate militants of the left? Three explanations are commonly offered. First, it is said, the social origins of the younger officers are closer to the working class than to the aristocracy; second, contact with African freedom fighters convinced them that they too should be Third World revolutionaries; and third, social intercourse with educated draftees drew them into the contemporary climate of opinion.

scholarly journals The General Election of 1859 in the Cities of Yorkshire.

1957 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. L. Guttsman
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Wage Structure ◽  
General Election ◽  
Land Values ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Town

A study of parliamentary elections in a certain area must be preceded by the attempt to describe the character of the electorate. This is the more necessary as it is often little recognised to what a large extent the size and composition of the new electorate created by the £ 10 franchise varied from borough to borough. This was due to some extent to the strength of local registration societies and the different interpretation which the revising barristers gave to the term ratepayer, but its main cause was the character of the housing in the constituencies. Land values, custom and, of course, the wage structure of the community determined the quality and standard of building and in consequence rent and rates. While the urban middle classes were probably everywhere in possession of the vote the above mentioned factors clearly determine the proportion of the working-class who enjoyed the franchise. It seems useful therefore to compare the Yorkshire figures with those for other parts of the country. To do this it is best to disregard York and Hull with their large number of freemen voters and to concentrate on the newly enfranchised boroughs.The electorates in the five new boroughs were all of a fair size; the smallest, Halifax, had 1,491 electors and Sheffield over 7,000. Yet with the exception of the latter, where as the result of the many skilled workmen and small masters we expect to find a large democratic electorate, the proportion of voters, whether measured in terms of inhabitants or houses, is almost inversely related to the size of the town.

Four Hundred Years of Freemasonry in Scotland

2011 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Stevenson
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Status ◽  
High Status ◽  
Negative Stereotypes ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
The Many

Scotland has the oldest masonic lodges and the oldest masonic records in the world, predating their English counterparts by over a century. Yet freemasonry is usually neglected by social and cultural historians, partly, it may be, through ignorance and negative stereotypes of the movement and partly through the excessive secrecy of freemasons in the past. It is the purpose of this paper to survey the movement's development and indicate the many aspects of ‘the Craft’ that could prove rich subjects for research. Scottish lodges began as organisations of stonemasons but, at first slowly, began to admit men from other crafts and men of higher social status. This process accelerated fast after the foundation of a Grand Lodge in London in 1717: freemasonry became fashionable. But though many lodges came to be dominated by men of high status, many others remained – and remain – skilled working class in membership.

Domestic violence in pregnancy

2001 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 249-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Loraine Bacchus ◽  
Susan Bewley ◽  
Gill Mezey
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Emotional Abuse ◽  
Physical Violence ◽  
Female Partners ◽  
Living Together ◽  
The Many ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Demographic Patterns ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

Definitions of domestic violence vary according to the frequency, severity and nature of the violence as well as the context in which it occurred and the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator. Though there is a lack of uniformity, a generally accepted definition of domestic violence is the physical, sexual or emotional abuse of an adult woman by a man with whom she has or has had an intimate relationship, regardless of whether the couple are living together. Although violence can be carried out by other family members or occur in same-sex relationships, it is argued that men use violence in order to maintain dominance and control over their female partners. Physical violence is just one of the many tactics that an abuser may use to exert control over his partner. Other behaviours include isolation, intimidation, threats of violence, threats to take the children away or hurt them and emotional or economic abuse. Whilst some studies have identified demographic patterns associated with domestic violence, it can affect any woman regardless of age, race, ethnicity, social class, employment status, religion, marital status or disability.

Menem’s Argentina

1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torcuato S. Di Tella
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Institutional Structure ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Class Composition ◽  
The Many ◽  
Combined Strategy ◽  
Leftist Parties ◽  
Second Coming

On 14 May, 1989, Argentinians Elected The Peronist Carlos Menem as president, causing the first constitutional transfer of power to the opposition since 1916. The situation is so unfamiliar that quite a few Peronists are behaving in their newly acquired positions, particularly in some cultural and mass communication spheres, as though the change had been the result of a violent takeover. After all, the first Peronism was heralded by the nationalist military coup of 1943, and its second coming, in 1973, was the result of a combined strategy of electioneering and guerrilla tactics. Those were the days when many Peronists repeated Mao Tse-tung's dictum that ‘power comes from the barrel of a gun’, and such intellectual habits die hard. Culturally the authoritarian components are still strong in Peronism, partly because most of the progressive, liberal or left-of-centre intelligentsia have flocked to the Radicales or to small leftist parties, renouncing their sympathies of the late 1960s and early 1970s, when they thought Peronism was the harbinger of revolution, owing to its working-class composition. This, of course, creates a cultural vacuum in Peronism, which has to be filled by whoever comes or remains from the old days. However, many things have changed in the Argentine political climate, and despite the many stragglers the country is becoming accustomed to a pluralist institutional structure.

Rich and poor in the kin-dom of God

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-63
Author(s):  
Debra J. Mumford
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
First Century ◽  
Economic Dynamics ◽  
God's People ◽  
Biblical Texts ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Church

Prosperity preachers contend that God wants all of God’s people to be rich. However, the reality is that wealth is often gained for the few through the labor of the many. Prosperity for the rich minority in first century Palestine, much like in our day, was made possible by the systematic exploitation of the working class majorities. By studying the socio-economic ecology at work in the biblical texts, we are better able to understand the socio-economic dynamics at play throughout our world (both inside and outside of the church) and develop strategies to secure justice for all of God’s people.

Mass Weddings in Jamaica and the Production of Academic Folk Knowledge

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Tracy Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Women's Activism ◽  
Heterosexual Relationships ◽  
Folk Knowledge ◽  
Living Together ◽  
The Status ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Status Of Women

In Jamaica in the 1940s and 1950s, prominent women and women’s organizations led a notorious campaign to promote mass weddings. The campaign targeted working-class black Jamaicans living together in long-term heterosexual relationships and was aimed at improving the status of women and children and readying working-class Jamaicans for citizenship. This essay explores mass weddings as a form of women’s activism in the mid-twentieth century, and it reflects on M. G. Smith’s trenchant critique of mass weddings in his introduction to Edith Clarke’s iconic study My Mother Who Fathered Me. Smith identifies a governor’s wife as the instigator of the campaign, not the black Jamaican middle-class nationalist feminists who were responsible, yet his account has ascended to a form of academic folk knowledge that is oft repeated and rarely probed. As a valued resource for understanding late colonialism in the Caribbean, it has caricatured Caribbean feminist interventions in nationalist projects, and it contributes to the feminization of an enduring Caribbean “coloniality.”

Bryher’s Family Closet

2021 ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Susan McCabe
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Inner Life ◽  
The Many ◽  
World Exhibition ◽  
As If

This chapter traces Bryher’s “illegitimate” roots, vaguer than H.D.’s, in spite of her family’s amassed wealth. Her father, an accounting genius, married Bryher’s mother, Hannah Glover, when he had not yet achieved his fame in shipping lines. One of the many invisible women in the working class and in this book, possibly a milliner, Hannah’s origins are shrouded in mystery. John became Sir John Ellerman, his shipping lines buttressing England’s imperial reach. Sir John was suspected of being Jewish, though it cannot be confirmed. Bryher grew up in a house of secrecy but idealized her childhood; her parents, as if they were on the run, took her on many exotic travels. She was in Paris for the 1900 World Exhibition and rode a camel in Egypt. She modeled her inner life on boys’ books.

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