The Concept of Diaspora in Rabbinic Sources

2021 ◽  
pp. 38-54
Author(s):  
Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert
Keyword(s):  
Second Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Babylonian Talmud ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Jewish Learning ◽  
Cultural Mobility ◽  
Land Of Israel

The rabbinic diaspora in the Persianite and Sasanian empires of the second through seventh century CE provided the context for the production of one the great monuments of the culture of Jewish learning, the Babylonian Talmud. As the originary compilation of the rabbinic movement, the Mishnah (second century ce), on the other hand, appears as a text that was not only produced in the “land of Israel,” but also remained tethered to the land in its vision. This chapter discusses the dynamics of cultural mobility that enabled the rabbinic movement to transplant its traditions of learning to the geographic diaspora of what the rabbis referred to as Bavel (Babylonia). It traces some specific rhetorical strategies and, more generally, the consciousness that allowed the rabbis to transform Jewish dispersion into diaspora.

Homer and Attic Geometric Vases

1955 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 38-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. B. L. Webster
Keyword(s):  
Eighth Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Geometric Representation ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
New Beginning

Since Dr. Hamper's identification of epic scenes in eighth-century art twenty years ago opinion has been divided as to how far these can be accepted. To quote two recent opinions, Mr. G. S. Kirk ends his discussion of Hampe's identifications: ‘thus there is no Geometric representation which we can confidently describe as representing a definite scene from the heroic saga, let alone from epic as we know it’. Professor Kraiker, however, accepts the Aktorione–Molione and the Herakles fighting the Stymphalian birds. Mr. J. M. Cook has argued that the spread of the Homeric epic from Ionia to the mainland was responsible both for the institution of hero cults in Greece and for the appearance in post-Geometric painting (seventh century) of scenes derived from the epic.The existence of epic representations in Attic, Corinthian, and Argive painting of the early seventh century is undoubted, and the list has recently been increased by a very fine Argive Odysseus and Polyphemos and a superb Attic vase with Odysseus blinding Polyphemos and Perseus pursued by Gorgons. The question is whether this is really a new beginning or a development of something already existing which is difficult for us to recognise. I do not wish to argue against the supposition that seventh-century painting was influenced by the spread of the Homeric epic to the mainland, although Boeotian epic would also have to be considered, since its influence on Boeotian fibulae in the seventh century can hardly be doubted; but Boeotian epic was no doubt itself affected by Ionian epic, as certain passages in Hesiod show. On the other hand, Athens was neither without poetry nor without contact with Ionia during the eighth century.

Strategy and imagination in a Mughal Sufi story of creation

2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muzaffar Alam
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Sanskrit Text ◽  
Islamic Tradition ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Different Order ◽  
The Prestige

This article examines a seventeenth-century text that attempts to reconcile Hindu and Muslim accounts of human genesis and cosmogony. The text, Mir’āt al-Makhlūqāt (‘Mirror of Creation’), written by a noted Mughal Sufi author Shaikh ‘Abd al-Rahman Chishti, purportedly a translation of a Sanskrit text, adopts rhetorical strategies and mythological elements of the Purāna tradition in order to argue that evidence of the Muslim prophets was available in ancient Hindu scriptures. Chishti thus accepts the reality of ancient Hindu gods and sages and notes the truth in their message. In doing so Chishti adopts elements of an older argument within the Islamic tradition that posits thousands of cycles of creation and multiple instances of Adam, the father of humans. He argues however that the Hindu gods and sages belonged to a different order of creation and time, and were not in fact human. The text bears some generic resemblance to Bhavishyottarapurāna materials. Chishti combines aspects of polemics with a deft use of politics. He addresses, on the one hand, Hindu intellectuals who claimed the prestige of an older religion, while he also engages, on the other hand, with Muslim theologians and Sufis like the Naqshbandi Mujaddidis who for their part refrained from engaging with Hindu traditions at all.

“To engraft ourselves on foreign stocks”: Byron’s Poetics of Acculturation

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Schoina
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Mary Shelley ◽  
The Other ◽  
Local Culture ◽  
Crossing Over ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Time And Space ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Culture Acquisition

Abstract Considering the largely unacknowledged connection between Byron and Mary Shelley on the logistics which pertain to the experience of crossing-over cultures, this paper investigates the notion of authentic Italianisation as exemplified in their related texts, and discusses its problematics in the context of the dominant themes and preoccupations in Romantic culture. Thus, on the one hand, my paper examines how the Romantic anticipation of being immersed in local culture and of “going native” is articulated – or rather, performed – by Byron himself, by considering specific rhetorical strategies and figures of filiation he used to ground his relationship to Italian place. More specifically, I contend that although Byron’s polymorphic identification to Italian place is constructed in the imagination, it is also grounded in time- and space-bound actions and involves a structure of social relations. On the other hand, the paper delineates how Byron’s idiosyncratic immersion into Italianness is theorised by Mary Shelley and counted on as a model of second culture acquisition.

ARISTARCHUS’ WORK IN PROGRESS: WHAT DID ARISTONICUS AND DIDYMUS READ OF ARISTARCHUS?

2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 609-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Schironi
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Second Century ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Work In Progress ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
New System

As is well known, the work of Aristarchus on Homer is not preserved by direct tradition. We have instead many fragments preserved mainly in the Homeric scholia, the Byzantine Etymologica and the Homeric commentaries by Eustathius of Thessalonica. These fragments go back to the so-called Viermännerkommentar (abbreviated VMK), the ‘commentary of the four men’, a commentary that is dated to the fifth-sixth century c.e. and collects the works of Aristonicus, Didymus, Nicanor and Herodian. In the first century b.c.e. Aristonicus explained the meaning of Aristarchus’ critical signs in a treatise called Περὶ τῶν σημείων τῶν τῆς ᾿Ιλιάδος καὶ ᾿Οδυσσείας, while in the Περὶ τῆς ᾿Αρισταρχείου διορθώσεως Didymus studied Aristarchus’ Homeric recension. In the second century c.e. two more scholars, Herodian and Nicanor, dealt with Aristarchus while analysing questions of prosody in the Homeric language (Herodian) or the punctuation of the Homeric text (Nicanor). Not all of these four ‘men’ are equally important, however, as sources for Aristarchus. In fact, Herodian and Nicanor had aims that were quite independent of Aristarchus’ enterprise: the former was concerned with problems of prosody, accentuation and aspiration in Homer, whereas the latter had developed a new system of punctuation to elucidate the Homeric text from a syntactic point of view. Although both Herodian and Nicanor did take an interest in Aristarchus, their focus was thus different from that of their Alexandrian predecessor. The goal of Aristonicus and Didymus, on the other hand, was specifically to reconstruct Aristarchus’ work on Homer; it is for this reason that they are considered the most trustworthy witnesses for Aristarchus’ fragments.

scholarly journals Ignacio de Antioquía inventó el Cristianismo: Trajano y Adriano frente a los Cristianos = Ignatius of Antioch invented the Christianism: Trajan and Hadrian facing the Christians

2019 ◽  
pp. 289
Author(s):  
Pedro Giménez de Aragón Sierra
Keyword(s):  
Conceptual Change ◽  
Second Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Christian Identity ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
1 Peter ◽  
Greco Roman ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Relationship

Resumen: Este artículo estudia el cambio con­ceptual que se produjo a partir de Ignacio de Antioquía, creador de los neologismos Christianismós y Katholika Ekklesía. Se analiza también el precedente que supuso el neologismo ’Ioudaïsmós, nacido en 2Ma­cabeos. Por otra parte, se analiza la relación existente entre el nacimiento de una iden­tidad cristiana a principios del siglo II y el cambio en la política religiosa de Adriano respecto a los cristianos. Si Trajano ordenó que los cristianos confesos debían ser eje­cutados, Adriano, después de escuchar la Apología de Arístides, ordenó que las ejecu­ciones debían cesar. Arístides y las cartas de Bernabé y 1 Pedro son textos cristianos de esa época que pugnan por la consolidación de una identidad cristiana diferente a la gre­corromana y a la judía. Dicha identidad no era religiosa sino étnica, porque el concepto de religión tal como hoy lo conocemos no existía en la Antigüedad.Abstract: This article deals with the conceptual change produced after Ignatius of Antioch, creator of the neologisms Christianismós and Katholika Ekklesía. The precedent that made arise the neologism ’Ioudaïsmós, born in 2Maccabees, is also analyzed. On the other hand, the relationship between the birth of a Christian identity at the beginning of the second century and the change of Hadrian’s religious policy towards the Christians is analyzed as well. Whereas Trajan ordered that confessed Christians should be execu­ted, Hadrian commanded, after having listen the Apology of Aristides, that the executions should come to an end. Aristides and the letters of Barnabas and 1 Peter are Christian texts of that time that struggle for the conso­lidation of a Christian identity different from the Greco-Roman and Jewish identities. This identity was not religious but ethnic, since the concept of religion as we know it today did not exist in Antiquity.Palabras clave: Judaísmo, Cristianismo, Ignacio de An­tioquía, Arístides de Atenas, Bernabé, 1 Pe­dro, Trajano, Adriano.Key words: Judaism, Christianity, Ignatius of An­tioch, Aristides of Athens, Bernabe, 1 Peter, Trajan, Hadrian.

Chariton and Xenophon of Ephesus

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. R. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Second Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Second Sophistic ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
And Control

This chapter discusses the novels of Chariton and Xenophon of Ephesus. Both are engaged with central concerns of the Second Sophistic, in particular that of elite Greek identity. Chariton’s novel (composed in the second century and connected with the sophist Dionysius of Miletus) demonstrates the same empathetic recreation of the classical past as sophistic declamation, and defines the Greekness of his protagonists in antithesis to a Persia configured to enable the exploration of the contemporary accommodation of the Greek elite to Rome. In his vision, paideia is a central constituent of Hellenic identity, enacted through an important third character, who represents an older erotic paradigm in contrast to the romantic heroes. Xenophon’s novel (probably an epitome), on the other hand, uses a contemporary setting to explore the nightmare of the loss of social status and control over one’s own person.

On the Dating of the Fayum Portraits

1905 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 225-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. C. Edgar
Keyword(s):  
Second Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
General Interest ◽  
Definite Evidence ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Subject

When the mummy-portraits from Rubayyat and Hawara were first brought to Europe, amid the general interest which they aroused there was a wide diversity of opinion as to their age. Georg Ebers, who had an enthusiastic admiration for them, tried hard to prove that the series began in the second century B.C. and that the best specimens belonged to the Ptolemaic period. Th. Schreiber may be mentioned as another distinguished authority who took the same view. On the other hand many archaeologists maintained that the portraits were all Roman work, dating for the most part from the second century A.D. Mr. Petrie in particular brought forward definite evidence to show that they range from about 130 A.D. to about 250 A.D., and he also divided them into successive groups. There is still much uncertainty on the subject, as I have had occasion to notice of late. To those who are in doubt about it the following brief paper, which is based on a study of the Cairo collection, may be of some little help. I regret that I do not know much of the material in Europe at first hand.

scholarly journals Dating of Isnād and Western Scholarship

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (- 1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alam Khan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Second Century ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Source Criticism ◽  
Muslim Society ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Western Scholarship

Isnād system is the distinction of Muslim Ummah which is praised by its critics too because it is a source of access to the origin of every information. Muslim scholarship called it religion and did not accept hadith without Isnād . Especially after the first Civil War -when the fabrication of hadīth appeared in Muslim society- the Muhadithūn thoroughly scrutinised the traditions and transmitters to differentiate the authentic Aḥādīth from the weak and fabricated. On the other hand, when Western scholarship started source criticism, they considered Isnād system as a source of dating Ḥadīth. Therefore, most of their theories and conclusions about the authenticity of Ḥadīth based on it. They put in question the Isnād system as Prophetic Ḥadīth and tried to find out its dating in their studies. Some of them claimed that Muḥadıthūn fabricated it in the second century and onwards while the others argued that it was used after the first half of the first century. However, both considered it later addition to the hadith literature. This study deals with the theories of Western scholars about the dating of Isnād and its comparison with historical facts.

Buddhism, Mādhyamika: India and Tibet

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie S. Kawamura
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Early Period ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Second Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The World ◽  
Middle Period ◽  
The Status ◽  
Mahayana Buddhist

Madhyamaka (‘the Middle Doctrine’) Buddhism was one of two Mahāyāna Buddhist schools, the other being Yogācāra, that developed in India between the first and fourth centuries ad. The Mādhyamikas derived the name of their school from the Middle Path (madhyamapratipad) doctrine expounded by the historical Siddhārtha, prince of the Śākya clan, when he gained the status of a buddha, enlightenment. The Madhyamaka, developed by the second-century philosopher Nāgārjuna on the basis of a class of sūtras known as the Prajñāpāramitā (‘Perfection of Wisdom’), can be seen in his foundational Mūlamadhyamakakārikā(Fundamental Central Way Verses). Therein he expounds the central Buddhist doctrines of the Middle Path in terms of interdependent origination (pratītyasamutpāda), conventional language (prajñapti), no-self nature (niḥsvabhāva) and voidness (śūnyatā). He grants that the dharma taught by the enlightened ones is dependent upon two realities (dve satye samupāśritya) – the conventional reality of the world (lokasaṃvṛtisatyam) and reality as the ultimate (satyam paramārthataḥ). Although voidness is central to Madhyamaka, we are warned against converting śūnyatā into yet another ‘ism’. Historically, Madhyamaka in India comprises three periods – the early period (second to fifth century), represented by the activities of Nāgārjuna, Āryadeva and Rāhulabhadra; the middle period (fifth to seventh century) exemplified by Buddhapālita and Bhāvaviveka (founders respectively of the *Prāsaṅgika and *Svātantrika schools of Madhyamaka), and Candrakīrti; and the later period (eighth to eleventh century), which includes Śāntarakṣita and Kamalaśīla, who fused the ideas found in the Madhyamaka and Yogācāra systems. Many of the Indian Madhyamaka scholars of the later period contributed to Madhyamaka developments in Tibet.

An Early Greek Pandore

1949 ◽  
Vol 81 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 177-179
Author(s):  
Henry George Farmer
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Second Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Wall Paintings ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
History Of ◽  
Similar Class

THE origin and history of the pandore and lute in the Near and Middle East is a perennial attraction to musicologists. Especially interesting is its emergence in Greece, where its Oriental origin is ackowledged. It has been surmised that the word πανδορα is derived from the Sumerian pandur or pantur (“little bow”), and it may be perfectly true that in primeval times the pandore would have evolved from a “musical bow”. Still, no such words have come down to us in Sumerian which actually indicate an instrument of music. On the other hand, a somewhat similar class of instrument is to be found to-day in the Ạrmenian pandir, the Georgian panturi, and the Ossetic fandur. Strange to say Nicomachus (a.d. second century) actually wrote ϕανδονρα The pandore itself is delineated in eastern art remains much earlier than in Greece. It occurs on a Nippur plaque (c. 1700), on Egyptian wall paintings (c. 1570), and in later Susian, Cappadocian, Hittite, and Assyrian Art remains. The earliest examples from Greece have been those of the fourth century b.c., as shown in the art remains from Mantineia and Tanagra, both possessing, seemingly, a narrow periform sound-chest and a long neck. A century later, the name πανδορα occurs in Euphorion, who spent most of his life in Syria.

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