scholarly journals Transnational Activism and Domestic Politics: Arms Exports and the Anti-Apartheid Struggle in the UK–South Africa Relations (1959–1994)

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Fracalossi de Moraes

ABSTRACT In 1964, the UK government imposed an arms embargo on South Africa, which it maintained until the end of the white minority rule. What explains this embargo? Using mainly archival evidence, this paper demonstrates that domestic political dynamics in the United Kingdom mediated the influence of the transnational anti-apartheid and anti-colonial struggles on the British government. The United Kingdom imposed and maintained this embargo due in part to a domestic advocacy network, whose hub was the Anti-Apartheid Movement. The paper provides a comprehensive explanation of an important issue in British foreign policy, the anti-colonial struggle, and Southern Africa's history. There are theoretical implications for foreign policy analysis concerning the role of advocacy networks, interactions between local and global activism, the role of political parties’ ideology and contestation, the effects on foreign policy of changes in a normative environment, the effects of norm contestation, and normative determinants of sanctions.

Author(s):  
Rodrigo Fracalossi de Moraes

The United Kingdom imposed an arms embargo on Chile in 1974 but not on Argentina after the 1976 coup, despite brutal military dictatorships in both countries. What explains this difference? What can this difference reveal about the determinants of government decisions regarding arms exports? Using mainly archival evidence, this article demonstrates that this difference is explained by a stronger advocacy network in the United Kingdom campaigning on Chile, which was largely due to a greater identification of the British left with the Chilean struggle. The hub of this network was the Chile Solidarity Campaign, which mediated the influence of the transnational anti-Pinochet movement on the UK government. These findings suggest that shared values or identities make transnational issues more likely to resonate with domestic audiences. Evidence also indicates the importance of activists’ connections with gatekeepers, focus on specific arms deals, and demonstrated causal chains between arms exports and repression.


Author(s):  
Karla Perez Portilla

This article is a theoretical analysis aimed at articulating the harm caused by media (mis)representation, and at showing existing ways in which this harm can be contested. The approaches analysed are largely from the United Kingdom. However, the issues they raise are not unique and the models explored are potentially transferable. The examples cover a range of media, including British right-wing press, television and Facebook; and characteristics protected by equality legislation in the UK such as sex, sexual orientation, race, religion and mental health stigma. Crucially, all the initiatives presented demonstrate the group-based nature of media (mis)representations, which cannot be understood and, therefore, cannot be addressed through individualistic approaches. Therefore, the article concludes that the role of groups as the targets of media (mis)representation and as potential claimants should be fully acknowledged and enabled.


1988 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 281-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. D. O'Brien ◽  
W. C. Shaw

The role of dental and orthodontic auxiliaries in Europe and the United States is reviewed, and the advantages of their employment in the United Kingdom are discussed in terms of increasing the cost-effectiveness of orthodontic treatment provision. A three-stage programme for the evaluation of Orthodontic Auxiliaries in the UK is proposed.


Author(s):  
Ananieva Elena

Prime Minister T. May has put forward the concept of "Global Britain". After the United Kingdom had left the EU, the concept was formalized under the government of Boris Johnson in the document “Integrated Review of Security, Defense, Development and Foreign Policy "Global Britain in a Competitive Age"”. The article presents an analysis of its goals, methods and practical implementation. Britain, realizing itself as a "middle power", intends to build a system of alliances to counter China and Russia, the latter designated as an ”acute direct threat” to the UK.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
John Hatchard

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (the OECD Convention) entered into force on 15 February 1999. As at 31 May 2017, there were 41 State Parties (the Parties) comprising the thirty-five OECD member countries and six non-member countries.The United Kingdom (UK) ratified the Convention in 1998. The OECD Convention is supplemented by the Revised Recommendations of the Council of the OECD on Combating Bribery in International Business Transactions (the 2009 Recommendations),Annex I of which contains “Good Practice Guidance on Implementing Specific Articles of the Convention.”In March 2017, the OECD Working Group on Bribery in International Business Transactions (the WGB) published its Phase 4 Report on the United Kingdom’s implementation of the OECD Convention (Phase 4 Report).Having provided a short background section on the scope of the OECD Convention and the role of the WGB, the following section will review some of the key recommendations contained in the Phase 4 Report. In the final section, an assessment is made as to how well the UK is doing with regard to the implementation of its OECD Convention obligations.   


Subject Brexit and the UK constitution. Significance After Brexit, the United Kingdom will move from a protected constitutional system, established by EU treaties, to one dominated by the sovereignty of Parliament. Such an unprotected system is difficult to reconcile with the protection of rights and with devolution. Impacts There will likely be entrenched division over the prospect of a codified constitution and what it includes. The United Kingdom should remain in a close and strategic foreign-policy relationship with the EU. There will be pressure from free-market Conservative MPs to lower tariffs and deregulate personal and corporate tax to encourage business.


2021 ◽  
pp. 611-639
Author(s):  
Nick Barlow ◽  
Tim Bale

This chapter examines the United Kingdom’s sole post-war coalition government and how it interacted with the Westminster Model’s assumption of single-party government. It looks at the issue from two perspectives: firstly, how much the usual processes of single-party government changed to accommodate two parties in government, and secondly, how David Cameron’s Conservatives and Nick Clegg’s Liberal Democrats worked together as parties in government in ways that fitted with the expectations of the Westminster Model. It examines this single example of coalition government in its political and historical contexts, exploring why a coalition occurred in 2010 and how it managed to continue in office for a full parliamentary term. The chapter begins with the comparatively swift process of negotiation through which the coalition was formed, then proceeds to look at how the expectations of that negotiation survived contact with the actual processes of government. It concludes by examining what the procedural and political impacts of the coalition on the UK have been, including the role of the coalition’s Fixed-Term Parliament Act on the stability of it and future governments.


Author(s):  
Rhona Smith

Abstract With headlines referencing ‘U.N.ACCEPTABLE Clueless UN official’, ‘“loopy” UN inspector’ and ‘UN meddler’, it is clear that UN special procedure mandate holders can be subjected to negative national press coverage when visiting the United Kingdom. Indeed, some media outlets border on vitriolic in their coverage of mandate holders’ visits and reports. This paper argues that a number of misconceptions and misunderstandings explain some of this media coverage. UN special procedure mandate holders are not employed by the UN, nor are they dispatched by the UN to investigate the UK. Rather they are independent and receive no payment for their time or work. Actual visits are funded from the UN general budget and the UK is not alone being examined and critiqued. In explaining some of the misconceptions and misunderstandings, the paper clarifies the role of special rapporteurs and the contribution they make to the UN.


2020 ◽  
Vol 321 ◽  
pp. 01006
Author(s):  
Martin Jackson

The paper presents highlights of the titanium alloy research developments since Ti-2015 (San Diego). The review underlines the strong and collaborative fundamental research conducted at UK universities through strategic government sponsored programmes. The role of advanced characterisation and modelling techniques in order to better understand the effects of deformation, fatigue loading and environment on titanium alloys continues to be world leading. Researchers in the UK are also continuing to develop a range of new alloys, methods of extraction and emerging near net shape processes via casting, powder and wire-fed routes.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takuma Hayashi ◽  
Nobuo Yaegashi ◽  
Ikuo Konishi

Severe acute respiratory syndrome-coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) variants, which are spreading in the United Kingdom (UK) and elsewhere, have been found in infected individuals in Japan. The virus mutates, to facilitate its life in the host, during the process of repeated proliferation in the body of the host, including humans. In other words, it is natural that a human-compatible mutant strain always predominates in infection and proliferation. As a result, the viral mutants acquire strong proliferative potential in the host and are highly pathogenic. The number of people infected with the mutated SARS-CoV-2 variant E484K, which is different from the SARS-CoV-2 variants that are spreading in the UK, South Africa, and Brazil, is increasing in Tokyo. It has been pointed out that the effects of immunity and vaccines may be reduced against the Tokyo-type SARS-CoV-2 variant E484K. We have investigated the neutralization response to various mutations in the spike glycoprotein using the serum of people already infected with the original SARS-CoV-2. The results showed that SARS-CoV-2 variants with Y543F or N501Y mutations in the spike glycoprotein affect the neutralization reaction. However, single E484K mutations within the spiked glycoprotein of the Tokyo-type SARS-CoV-2 variant are unlikely to have a significant effect on the affinity of the host antibody for the virus.


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