The Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy

Author(s):  
Bradley J. Gundlach

In the 1920s and 1930s several U.S. denominations endured controversy over doctrinal changes and the toleration of doctrinal differences. Liberals wanted freedom to adjust traditional belief to fit modern conditions and to unite with other denominations for concerted mission work. Fundamentalists wanted to enforce traditional understandings of the Bible and salvation, and (some) to maintain confessional identity. The contest within the northern Presbyterian Church (PCUSA) was the most consequential. Mingled with the doctrinal issues were the anti-evolution campaign and questions of denominational government and procedure. Conservatives lost when the large body of moderates—who were mostly conservative in doctrine but unconvinced of the menace of modernism within the denomination—swung to the liberal side to avoid division. When J. Gresham Machen, intellectual leader of the fundamentalist side, launched an Independent Board for Presbyterian Foreign Missions to rival the official denominational board, he was tried and convicted of the heresy of schism.

Author(s):  
Andrew R. Holmes

The final chapter begins with post-war reconstruction and how new professorial appointments signalled a move from dogma and theological proficiency to experience and practical Christianity. The second section examines a powerful outbreak of religious revival in the early 1920s associated with William Patterson Nicholson. Though aspects of popular revivalism were criticized, the religious awakening was encouraged by leaders within the Presbyterian Church and helped to draw attention to the role and rhetoric of religious experience. The final two sections discuss the course and aftermath of the heresy trial of James Ernest Davey in 1927. They examine the increasingly fractious debate over revising the formula of subscription to the Westminster Confession of Faith and the formation of the Bible Standards League. The exoneration of Davey seemed to confirm the fears of conservatives, but this obscures the essential conservatism of the denomination in terms of evangelical principles and denominational loyalty.


Author(s):  
Adam Mohr

The goal of this chapter is to explain how healing and deliverance practices were instituted in the Presbyterian Church of Ghana (PCG). The first half of this chapter examines the PCG’s initial transformation, which was driven by three factors: the decision by the leadership to introduce healing practices into the church, the creation of the Bible Study and Prayer Group to manage the afflicted within congregations, and the influence of two parachurch organizations. The second half of this chapter focuses on Catechist Ebenezer Abboah-Offei, who since 1996 has been leading Grace Presbyterian Church in Akropong, the primary site of healing and deliverance practices within the PCG. With regards to Abboah-Offei, this chapter describes how he came to teach and practise deliverance and the process by which Grace Presbyterian was established. Finally, this chapter describes the various healing and deliverance activities that occur at Grace Presbyterian Church.


1960 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Addison J. Eastman ◽  
Richard B. Poetig ◽  
Frank W. Price

The Reverend Addison J. Eastman has been a missionary of the American Baptist Foreign Missionary Society in Burma, and is now Director of the Missionary Personnel Program in the Division of Foreign Missions, NCCC-USA. The Reverend Richard B. Poetig has been sent by the Commission on Ecumenical Mission and Relations of the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. to serve as Minister for Industrial Evangelism, in the United Church of Christ, Manila, The Philippines. Frank W. Price is Director of the Missionary Research Library


Author(s):  
Song Gang

This essay examines the first Chinese New Testament translated by the missionary of the Paris Foreign Missions Society (M.E.P.) Jean Basset (1662–1707) in collaboration with Confucian convert Johan Su in the early Qing period. Though they did not complete a full translation of the New Testament, the work carried unique characteristics that went beyond the limitations of its time. One of the original manuscripts also exerted direct influence on nineteenth-century Protestant translations. With in-depth analysis of this exemplary piece among early Catholic endeavors, the essay addresses a set of key concerns that have not been sufficiently studied, including Basset’s vision of a Chinese Bible, the translation principle and techniques, Christian and Chinese terminology, and the interface of biblical translations and Chinese language and literature. The findings of this study offer fresh insights and facilitate a re-evaluation of Catholic contributions and legacy in the history of the Bible in China.


Author(s):  
David Fisher

Henry M. Morris, widely regarded as the founder of the modern creationist movement, died February 25, 2006, at the age of eighty-seven. His 1961 book The Genesis Flood, subtitled, The Biblical Record and Its Scientific Implications, was a cornerstone of the movement. Many more books followed, including Scientific Creationism; What Is Creation Science?; Men of Science; Men of God; History of Modern Creationism; The Long War Against God; and Biblical Creationism. In 1970 he founded the Institute for Creation Research, which continues to be a leading creationist force, now headed by his sons, John and Henry III. In 1982 I debated the subject with him at the Coral Ridge Presbyterian Church in Fort Lauderdale in front of a sellout crowd of several thousand. He had emphasized in our initial contacts that the debate would be based on science, not religion, but when he opened his remarks with this same statement and the audience responded with loud cries of “Amen!” and “Praise Jesus!” I knew I was in for a long night. Both of us steered away from the biological arguments, I because I’m not a biologist and he presumably because the Biblical side of that is so evidently silly—if he had tried to describe how Noah brought two mosquitoes or two fleas aboard he might have got away with it, but the whole panoply of billions of species of submicroscopic creatures was obviously a problem. Instead he concentrated on the physical side, in particular on the age of the earth, and that was fine with me. As noted in the previous chapters, the earth’s age is central to Darwin’s argument. A strict interpretation of the Bible gives a limit of thousands of years, which is clearly not enough time for evolution to take place. Radioactive dating, on the other hand, gives Darwin his needed time span of billions of years, and so a cornerstone of the creationist argument is its necessary destruction. Morris was a wonderful motivational speaker, and spent a long introduction wandering through the Bible to show how wonderfully reasonable it is.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Kirsten Macfarlane

The introduction begins by outlining how Broughton’s modern reputation as an angry puritan was created over two centuries by a series of historians with various confessional motivations. Next, it analyses Broughton’s early life as a promising scholar at Cambridge, and explains key issues such as how his beliefs about scripture affected his attitudes to the Hebrew and Greek texts of the Bible. Finally, it summarizes the three major interventions of this book. The first concerns the relationship between scholars’ beliefs about scripture and the methods they used to study it. Broughton shows that it was possible to be an innovative exponent of the historical-philological method, while also believing that the Bible was infallible and verbally inspired; and that these positions could be mutually reinforcing. But while scholars like Broughton have generally been used as proof of the ‘unintended consequences’ theory of change from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, the introduction uses him to critique this theory. The second intervention concerns the relationship between confessional identity and historical scholarship, building on recent works that have emphasized the impossibility of theologically ‘neutral’ scholarship in this period by extending their findings into new areas such as chronology. Lastly, the third intervention concerns the relationship between elite neo-Latin biblical scholarship and vernacular lay religious culture in this period. It argues that biblical scholarship, even of the most demanding kind, deeply appealed to ordinary readers of scripture, and posits Broughton as a pioneer in the field of accessible, vernacular-oriented— but still highly scholarly—biblical criticism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benno A. Zuiddam

This article established the role of the Rev. M.C. Vos (1759–1825) as an internationally oriented Pietistic minister who encouraged mission work amongst the slaves and non-Europeans in the Cape Colony. It clears up several misunderstandings about Vos’s genealogy and argues that there is no genealogical warrant to treat Vos as something else than a White, European minister and writer. His cultural setting and ancestry was that of a colonial Dutchman, although it may have been Euro-Asian to some small extent. If so, this could have predisposed him naturally to look kindly on the lot of  Bengal and Malayan slaves. The real motivating factor for Vos’s missionary endeavours was not racial, but spiritual. The promotion of the Gospel and knowledge of the Scriptures was foremost in the mind of this Dutch Reformed minister. This article argues that the Bible and divine guidance had a remarkable influence on the life and actions of M.C. Vos, to the extent that even his autobiography is marked by Biblical language. Vos is placed within the historical perspective of his times, which assists a balanced interpretation of this remarkable person and his convictions.’n Merkwaardige verhaal! Die lewe en historiese omstandighede van M.C.Vos (1759–1825). Hierdie artikel het die historiese rol van Ds. M.C. Vos (1759–1825) vasgestel as ’n internasionale Piëtistiese wat sending bedryf het onder die slawe en nie-Europeërs aan die Kaap. Dit helder misverstande op wat ontstaan het oor die genealogie van Vos en stel dat daar geen genealogiese rede is om Vos te beskou as ’n predikant en skrywer van nie-Europese afkoms nie. Sy kultuur en voorgeslag was dié van ’n Nederlandse kolonis, hoewel daar enige Euro-Asiatiese elemente in sy genealogie mag wees. Indien dit die geval is, dan het dit bygedra tot sy natuurlike simpatie vir die lot van die Bengaalse en Maleise slawe. Hierdie artikel toon egter aan dat die motivering vir die sendingarbeid van Vos nie op rassistiese gronde berus het nie, maar op die Woord van God. Die verkondiging van die Evangelie en die bevordering van die kennis van die Skrif was die beweegrede van die Nederduits Gereformeerde predikant. Hierdie artikel toon aan dat die Bybel en buitengewone Goddelike leiding ’n merkwaardige invloed uitgeoefen het op die lewe en dade van M.C. Vos, selfs sodanig dat sy lewensbeskrywing deurspek is met Bybelse taalgebruik. Vos word in historiese perspektief geplaas om sy merkwaardige persoon te verstaan in die lig van sy tyd en oortuigings.


Author(s):  
Hilary Lipka

There was relatively little scholarship focusing on women, gender, and sexuality in the Hebrew Bible until the 1970s, when modern feminist biblical scholarship first started to emerge as an outgrowth of second-wave feminism. In the 1980s, feminist biblical criticism fully blossomed as a discipline, inspiring a large body of work focusing on issues such as the depiction, treatment, and roles of women, the interrelationship between gender and power, and views toward women’s sexuality in biblical texts, and what can be discerned about various aspects of the lives of women in ancient Israel based on biblical and other evidence. In the past few decades, as the body of scholarship on women in the Bible has continued to grow, it has also broadened its scope as new methodologies and hermeneutical approaches have been introduced. Inspired in part by the rise of third wave feminism in the 1990s, there has also been an increasing amount of scholarship focusing on the intersection of race, class, and ethnicity with gender and sexuality in biblical texts, and an increasing awareness of the need to include more voices from the “two-thirds” world in the scholarly dialogue. In addition to being subjects covered by those engaging in feminist criticism, gender and sexuality studies both emerged as discrete fields in the 1980s, as biblical scholars, building upon the methodological foundation established by theorists such as Jacques Lacan, Julia Kristeva, Jacques Derrida, and Michel Foucault, began to examine the social, cultural, and historical construction of gender and sexuality in biblical texts. The last few decades have seen a flourishing of scholarship on gender and sexuality in the Bible that continues to both build on these foundations and go beyond them, as scholars incorporate new approaches and methodologies from the areas of gender theory, queer studies, masculinities studies, and, most recently, intersex studies into their work, offering innovative and incisive readings that shed a vivid new light on seemingly familiar biblical texts.


Author(s):  
Charles W. Hayford

In the early 21st century, Christianity in China is a diverse, growing, and small but resilient force. Estimates vary, but one informed report speculates that the number of Christians is perhaps 5 percent of the population, in any case giving China one of the largest Christian populations in the world. Historically, like Buddhism in earlier times and Marxism in the 20th century, both of which also came from outside China, Christianity has become Chinese in many forms: as doctrine and theology, as institutions, as communities, and as spiritual experience. In the 16th century, the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci argued for a Sino-Christian synthesis based on the natural theology that God had placed in Confucian classics as well as the Bible. After the emperor proscribed Christianity and expelled foreign missions in 1724, Catholic village communities grew by melding Christianity into local Chinese religions. In the century after the Opium Wars of the 1840s, Protestant and Catholic missionaries and Chinese Christians established a network of churches, seminaries, schools, universities, hospitals, and publishing houses, which all made key contributions to the emerging Chinese nation. At the same time, independent Chinese evangelicals attracted large followings based on their own readings of the Bible. After 1949 the new People’s Republic of China once again expelled foreign missions and campaigned to suppress or control all religions except officially sanctioned groups. Yet the number of Christians still rose, mainly in the countryside. When the post-1978 reforms brought a loss of faith in Marxism and a spiritual crisis, Catholic and mainline Protestant churches thrived, as did “underground churches,” but the fastest growing groups were independent evangelicals and Pentecostals, again especially in the countryside. In short, over the centuries there have been many and often competing Chinese Christianities. For many millions, Christianity was a spiritual experience and daily practice which gave meaning to life. Doubters saw Christianity as a foreign religion incompatible with Chinese culture, while China’s rulers, both before and after the 1949 revolution, assumed that it was their responsibility to regulate all religions, especially ones they saw as foreign. Nationalists charged that Christianity entered China by what they called imperialist “gunboat diplomacy,” accused converts of being “rice Christians,” and charged that “one more Christian is one less Chinese.” In recent decades, perhaps no other field in Chinese studies has changed more than the study of Christianity. The earliest scholars, often missionaries or their sympathizers, wrote reverentially of struggles to create a Chinese church and plant the seeds of Christianity. Recent scholarship centers on Chinese Christianities as independent and authentic entities, not as versions of western Christianity; on missions as part of Chinese society; on grassroots communities that practice Christianity as a Chinese folk or popular religion; on Christianities which enlarge rather than replace Chinese identities; and on lived experience as much as on orthodoxy and doctrine.


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